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<s 



7 

S A L L U S T. 



TRANSLATED 

BY WILLIAM ROSE, M.A. 



WITH 

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m*vofc6S5^ 



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L 






CONTENTS. 



Biographical Sketch of Sallust ••'.... 9 

Preface ....•#. 17 

History of Catiline's Conspiracy • . . . 19 

Appendix . 92 

History of the Jugurthine War . . • • . 95 

Appendix 240 



The translation of Sallust by Dr. Rose has been recom- 
mended in the Bibliographical Miscellany, as " a very faith- 
ful, accurate, and excellent version." The acknowledgments 
of the Editor are justly due to the liberality of Sir Henry 
Steuart, Bart., by whom he has been permitted to avail 
himself of his elegant Translation of the Roman Historian, 
with many learned notes ; a selection from which has served 
to enrich the present edition. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 
or 

SALLUST. 



Caius Crispus Sallustius was born at Ami- 
ternum, a town in the Sabine territory, in the year 
of Rome 667, during the consulate of Lucius Cor- 
nelius Cinna and Cn. Papirius Carbo. Concerning 
the extraction of this celebrated historian authors 
are not agreed ; some assigning to his family a 
plebeian origin, and some deriving it from the 
Salustii, who, as Roman knights, had figured in the 
annals of the republic. 

Having passed his earliest years in his native 
town of Amiternum, he was removed to Rome, 
where he received his education, and among other 
masters, studied under Atteius Praetextatus, a cele- 
brated grammarian, and an instructer in the art of 
rhetoric. Endued with vigour of mind, rather than 
bodily strength, he resolved assiduously to cultivate 
what nature had liberally bestowed, avoiding those 
pursuits and exercises in which the Roman youth 
of that period most commonly participated. Keen 
penetration and a thirst of knowledge early kindled 
in his mind a love of letters, with its usual 
concomitant, a love of fame, and led him to the 
study of philosophy and liberal science. Between 



10 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

eloquence and the sword, the two methods at 
Rome by which ambition could hope for prefer- 
ment, it was easy for such a temper to decide, and 
he soon chose the former. 

Although one of the first objects of our author's 
ambition was the attainment of eloquence, it does 
not appear that he ever distinguished himself at the 
bar. Whether it was that the historian, like many 
men of uncommon endowments, felt a want of that 
confidence and self-possession, that fluency of 
style, and intrepidity of manner, which are requi- 
sites for business or popular address, it is impos- 
sible to ascertain : but we may pretty confidently 
believe, that if he ever had hopes of rising as a 
public speaker, he very soon abandoned the design. 

Historical composition, beyond question, was an 
art that held forth a wide field for literary talents. 
Sallust probably reflected, that those who record, 
no less than those who achieve, illustrious actions 
may claim some share of merit ; and he burned to 
emulate the celebrated writers who had deserved 
and obtained the applause of ages. With the 
temper therefore of a man who knew his powers, 
yet relied on his industry, he early conceived so 
noble a design ; and its successful accomplishment 
became the chief object of his hopes, and the 
favourite end of his ambition. 

When the conspiracy of -Catiline broke out 
Sallust had reached the age of twenty-two, and was 
an eyewitness of the whole of that transaction, 
which has been painted by him in such glowing 
colours. It does not however appear, that the arts 
which the conspirators employed for more than two 
years to gain over the young and inexperienced to 



OF SALLUST. 11 

their cause, had any influence on our author; nor 
has he ever been charged, even by the most malig- 
nant of his enemies, with being concerned in that 
daring enterprise. 

It is not however to be dissembled, that the 
conduct of Sallust exposed him to the shafts of 
calumny. As a model of correct manners, he can 
never be held up ; and truth probably may lie be- 
tween the exaggerated abuse of his enemies, and 
the ardent partiality of his friends : but there is 
one circumstance to which his biographers have 
paid little attention — that the name of Sallust was 
somewhat common at Rome towards the close of 
the republic. Five, if not six, different Sallusts 
are mentioned by Cicero alone ; and there were 
probably many others, of whom nothing has been 
transmitted. As it is certain therefore that the his- 
torian has, more than once, been mistaken for some 
of these, so it is probable he may in like manner 
have been confounded with others. 

In his youth, he says, ambition overcame his 
better judgment ; and having determined to engage 
in public life, he soon obtained the qusestorship, the 
first step in the gradation of honours* and which 
gave a title to a seat in the senate. This was prob- 
ably in the year of Rome 693, a year rendered 
memorable on account of the great triumvirate of 
Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus ; and from which all 
ancient writers date the origin of those civil wars 
which ended in the subversion of the republic. 
Concerning this portion of our author's history no 
particulars can with certainty be gathered. 

During the eight years that followed the quaes- 
torship of Sallust it does not appear that he enjoyed 



12 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

any public honour ; and it is probable that in this 
period he visited Greece, and Athens in particular, 
the country of Thucydides. 

In the year of Rome 701, he was chosen one of 
the tribunes of the people ; a period in which the 
commonwealth was violently convulsed by internal 
troubles : and in 707, he was raised to the praetor- 
ship, through the interest of Caesar, who was then 
consul. Nearly about this time also, at the age of 
forty, he married Terentia, one of the most remark- 
able women of her age. She had been the wife 
of Cicero, from whom she was recently divorced ; 
and, what is extraordinary, after being the mother 
of his children, and sharing in his fortunes more 
than thirty years. 

To the historian, at least, it does not appear that 
this marriage could have been very desirable. A 
mutual dislike indeed to Cicero might tend to 
cement a union for which, on any other grounds, 
it would not be easy to account. After the death 
of Sallust (more than ten years posterior to this 
event), Terentia became the wife of Messala Cor- 
vinus, the celebrated orator : thus boasting to have 
been successively united to three persons, more 
illustrious perhaps for eloquence and genius than 
ever espoused the same woman. 

During the praetorship of Sallust, an honour 
which had nearly cost him his life, he was ap- 
pointed one of the lieutenants of Caesar : having 
endeavoured in vain to quell a mutiny which arose 
among Caesar's troops in Campania, who were 
destined for Africa, he went to Rome to report the 
insurrection to the consul, and was pursued by a 
body of them, to whose fury he would doubtless 



OF SALLUST. 13 

have fallen a sacrifice, if he had not fortunately 
been beyond their reach. 

Caesar, on his arrival among the troops, soon 
calmed the commotion, and passed over into Africa, 
accompanied by Sallust, who was despatched to 
Cercina, with orders to make himself master of it, 
and of the corn and other stores deposited in the 
island. This service he executed with equal ce- 
lerity and success. What other exploits were per- 
formed by our author during the war in Africa 
has not been recorded : he was no soldier, we are 
well assured, either from his habits of education, 
or his former experience. But a natural vigour 
and energy of character supplied the deficiency of 
military skill, and enabled him to act, in a con- 
spicuous station, with honour to himself, and with 
equal satisfaction to # his discerning patron. In 
regard to his services, the presumption is that they 
were not inconsiderable ; as Caesar, in setting out 
for Italy, at the termination of the war, appointed 
him to the government of the African province, 
with an army under his command, and the rank of 
proconsul. 

From his residence in Numidia, we have good 
reason to think, that the idea of writing the history 
of the conquest of that country was first suggested 
to the mind of Sallust. But this composition was 
not completed till after his final retirement from 
public business ; although the present opportuni- 
ties were diligently improved, by procuring infor- 
mation, and collecting materials. Accordingly, the 
History of the Jugurthine War has been ranked 
among the masterpieces of historical composition ; 
valuable not more for the beauty and eloquence of 
Sal,— B 



14 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

its style, than the authenticity of the facts, and the 
accuracy of the topographical descriptions. 

It were fortunate for Sallust, had he been able 
in his government to exemplify the precepts he 
laid down, or escape the errors he reprehended in 
his writings. He was in haste to grow rich, and 
seems to have felt little scruple about the means. 
Accepting the province, as Caesar seems to have 
bestowed it, for the improvement of his fortune, he 
freely exercised every method by which the Ro- 
man governors enriched themselves, at the expense 
of their subjects ; and in about a year he returned 
to Rome, possessed of wealth sufficient to screen, 
him from justice. 

The Africans, according to the practice of the 
aggrieved provinces, commenced a prosecution 
against the late governor ; but he well knew how 
to elude the vengeance of his enemies. By the 
interest of Caesar the prosecution was quashed ; 
and our author compounded for the payment, as it 
is said, to the dictator himself, of twelve hundred 
thousand sesterces, equal nearly to 9,700Z. of our 
money. 

Shortly after this prosecution had been brought 
to a conclusion, Caesar was assassinated in the 
senate-house. In him Sallust lost a powerful 
friend and protector; and he now determined to 
withdraw from public life. In possession of an 
affluent fortune, he purchased an ample tract of 
ground on the Quirinal hill, in the district of Rome,, 
on which he erected a magnificent residence, which, 
with the various buildings connected with it, covered 
an extensive surface ; and adjoining to the house 
he laid out those famous gardens, so often men- 



OF SALLXJST. 15 

tioned, and so highly extolled by the ancients, as 
the pride and ornament of Rome. 

In the front of his residence he constructed a 
spacious market-place, which was called the Sal- 
lustian. The other front looked towards the gar- 
dens, where every beauty of nature and every 
embellishment of art seem to have been assembled 
that could delight or gratify the senses ; and at the 
farther extremity baths were erected in a style the 
most magnificent. They were supplied by the 
water, which gave freshness and luxuriance to the 
gardens : and near them rose a temple, supported 
by marble columns of the Corinthian order. Four 
separate doors, with flights of steps to each, formed 
the spacious entrance to the temple, and each door- 
piece was upheld by two columns of transparent 
oriental alabaster. Elegant statues occupied the 
middle of the sanctuary, of which the pavement 
was inlaid with mosaic-work, and the walls covered 
with Grecian marble. 

The improvements made, at different periods, in 
this magnificent residence rendered it too superb 
and extensive for a private individual ; and, on the 
death of our author, or in the time of his nephew 
and successor, it became imperial property ; and 
the Sallustian palace and gardens were, from that 
period, the favourite residence of successive em- 
perors. 

Nor was the country residence of the historian 
less splendid and commodious : it was situated at 
Tivoli, about twenty miles from Rome, and was the 
resort of the principal Roman nobility; and to this 
possession he added the elegant house there built 
by Caesar. At this delightful villa, or at his house 



16 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF SALLTfST. 

in the city of Rome, he passed the last nine years 
of his life, dividing his time between the compo- 
sition of his history, the society of his friends, and 
the enjoyment of an abundant fortune. Thus forti- 
fied against the seductions of indolence, he now 
published the two Histories contained in this 
volume ; but some learned men are of opinion, that 
it would be unjust to confine his industry within 
such narrow limits. In any view of his studies, 
how small is the portion that has survived the* 
wreck of literature ! They resemble the remains 
of those noble amphitheatres with which they are 
coeval. 

Sallust died at the age of fifty-one, A. U. C. 718, 
about four years before the battle of Actium, leav- 
ing no children. 

Perhaps it were fortunate for the historian had 
the circumstances of his life been either more 
minutely authenticated, or remained altogether un- 
known. What, in the former case, he might have 
gained from truth cannot now be estimated; but 
in the latter, his memory would alike have escaped 
the malevolence of his enemies, and the mistaken 
partialities of his friends. 



PREFACE. 



As the usefulness of translations of the classics 
is universally allowed, so the difficulty of succeed- 
ing in them will be readily granted by all who have 
ever attempted it. To translate a modern author 
of genius into a modern language is no easy task, 
though so many of the modern languages resemble 
one another ;«.it must therefore be extremely diffi- 
cult to translate any of the classical writers of 
Greece or Rome into such a language as ours, the 
idioms and structure of which are so very different 
from those of the Greek and Latin languages. But 
this is not all; the translator must not only find 
proper phrases to convey the images of his author, 
but he must animate his images with the same 
spirit : for it is with translating as with painting ; 
if the air and spirit of the original are wanting, 
there can be no true resemblance. 

The translator of Sallust was very sensible of 
the difficulty of his undertaking; and hopes the 
candid reader will make fair and equitable allow- 
ances for the defects that attend the execution of 
it. His great aim has been to preserve a due me- 
dium between a ;erbal and too bold and free a 
translation : having made it his first care to pre- 
serve the sentiment of his author ; and his next, to 
adhere to his words, as far as he was able to ex- 
press them in an easy and natural manner. By 
this method he flatters himself that he has, in some 
measure, answered both the ends he proposed in 
B2 



18 PREFACE. 



translating Sallust ; the first of which was to fur- 
nish such young gentlemen as have made a tolera- 
ble progress in the Latin tongue with such a ver- 
sion of him as, at the same time that it had all the 
advantages of a literal translation, should be free 
from that flatness which is inseparable from such, 
and read with tolerable ease and fluency. His 
other view was to present such as are not capable 
of reading Sallust himself, and yet are desirous of 
being acquainted with the memorable transactions 
of which he gives an account, with such a transla- 
tion of him as should have somewhat of the air of 
an original. 

But here the reader will be apt to say — What 
occasion for a new translation of Sallust ? Are 
there not several very good ones already 1 — The 
translator would be far from derogating from the 
merit of any former translations of his author ; and 
in answer to this question, all he has to say is, that 
if his has but equal merit with any of them, as he 
humbly apprehends it has, there will still be this 
additional recommendation of it ; that, besides the 
neatness of the impression, it may be purchased at 
an easier price than the others: a circumstance 
which, he imagines, will plead strongly in his favour 
with the generality of readers. 

He has nothing further to add, but that if this 
his first essay meets with a favourable reception 
from the public, it will be a powerful inducement 
to him to continue his labours in the same way ; 
by which means it will be in the power of a most 
every parent to furnish his child with useful trans- 
lations of the school classics in a neat and elegant 
form, and at a very easy rate. 



v. 



HISTORY 



CATILINE'S CONSPIRACY. 



(21) 



ARGUMENT. 



Sect. 1-4. Introduction— 5. Genius and character of Catiline— 6. 7. 
View of the ancient manners and government of Rome— 8. 9. Litera- 
ture little cultivated ; virtuous simplicity and firmness of the Roman 
character — 10. 11. Causes of its degeneracy — 12. 13. Rapid progress, 
and complete dominion of vice and luxury — 14. Depraved manners 
of Catiline and his companions— 15. His crimes and profligacy — 16. 
His ascendency over his associates ; he forms the design of seizing 
the government — 17. Success of his intrigues ; list of the principal 
conspirators — 18. 19. Origin and miscarriage of a former plot— 20-23. 
First meeting held by the confederates ; artful speech and manage- 
ment of Catiline— 24. Q. Curtius reveals the secret to his mistress 
Pulvia; the intelligence circulated at Rome ; Cicero promoted to the 
consulship — 25. Disappointment of Catiline; his intrigues and ac- 
tivity— 26. Singular character of Sempronia— 27. 28. Catiline still 
baffled in his designs ; he endeavours to excite the states of Italy to 
revolt— 29. Failure of the scheme for assassinating Cicero — 30. Em- 
barrassment of the consul ; extraordinary powers conferred on the 
(Chief magistrates — 31. The rebels take the field ; vigorous measures 
adopted by the senate— 32. 33. Consternation of the city ; effrontery 
and despair manifested by Catiline ; he takes his departure privately 
from Rome— 34. Deputation from Manlius to Q, Marcius Rex— 35. 36. 
Specious conduct of Catiline ; his confidential letter sent to Catulus 
— 37. 38. Decrees of the senate ; reflections on the condition and man- 
ners of the commonwealth — 39. 40. Ancient and inveterate feud be- 
tween the patrician and the popular factions— 41. The deputies of the 
Allobroges drawn into the conspiracy — 42. They make the discovery 
to Cicero — 43. Insurrections in Gaul and Italy — 44. Plan of the in- 
tended massacre and conflagration of Rome— 45. Secret conference 
with the Allobrogian deputies — 46. They are arrested, by order of the 
consul, at the Milvian bridge— 47. 48. Cicero carries Lentulus and the 
other prisoners before the senate ; depositions of the witnesses — 49. 
Rejoicings of the populace on the discovery of the conspiracy; sus- 
picions entertained against Crassus and Caesar ; deliberations of the 
senate — 50-52. Speech of C«sar on the punishment of the conspira- 
tors— 53-56. Speech of Cato— 57. The culprits condemned to suffer 
death ; parallel between Caesar and Cato — 58. Execution of Lentulus 
and his associates — 59. Vigorous operations against the rebels in 
Etruria; Catiline resolves on risking an action — 60. 61. His address 
to his men— 62. Disposition of the two armies previously to the battle 
of Pistoria— 63. 64. Obstinacy of the engagement ; defeat and death 
of Catiline. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 



Sect. 1 . Men who would act up to the dignity 
of their nature ought not to pass their lives in ob- 
scurity, like the beasts of the field, formed with 
bodies "prone to the earth, and under necessary 
subjection to their appetites. 

Now, our faculties are twofold ; those of the 
soul, and those of the body : the soul was designed 
for sovereign command, the body for subjection : 
the former we enjoy in common with the gods, the 
latter with the brute creation. So that to me it 
appears more agreeable to nature to pursue glory 
by the abilities of the mind than those of the body ; 
and as our lives are but of short duration, it should 
be our study to render our memory immortal : for 
the splendour derived from riches and beauty is 
short-lived and frail ; ^virtue* alone confers immor- 
tality. 

It has, however, bden a great and long debate, 
whether success in war is most owing to bodily 
strength or mental abilities : for, as counsel is ne- 
cessary before we eifter on action, after measures 
are duly concerted, f speedy execution is equally 

l The Abbe Thy von and MiBeauzee contend that by the word virtus t 
in the original, the historian |bviously meant " genius, ability, distin 
guished talents." -0^pr 

i y* 




24 SALLTJST ON THE 

necessary ; so that neither of these being sufficient 
singly, they prevail only by the assistance of each 
other. 

2. Accordingly, kings of old (for this was the 
first title of authority among men) applied them- 
selves differently ; some to strengthen their bodies 
by exercise, others to improve their minds. Then, 
indeed, ambition had no share in influencing the 
conduct of men ; every one was satisfied with his 
own. But after Cyrus began in Asia, and the Lacedae- 
monians and Athenians in Greece, to conquer cities 
and nations ; when the lust of power was thought 
a sufficient reason for commencing a war, and 
glory was measured by the extent of dominions, 
then it was discovered by experience that genius 
conduces most to success. And if kings and rulers 
would exert their abilities in peace as they do in 
war, the condition of human affairs would be much 
more steady and uniform ; nor should we see so 
frequent revolutions and convulsions in states, and 
such universal confusion: for the same arts by 
which dominion was at first acquired will serve to 
secure it. But when, instead of industry, modera- 
tion, and equity, sloth, licentiousness, and pride 
prevail, the fortune of a state changes with its 
manners : and thus power always passes from him 
who has least merit to him who has most. 

It is to the powers of the mind we owe the in- 
vention and advantages of agriculture, navigation, 
and architecture, and indeed all the other arts of 
life. Yet many there are in the world who, aban- 
doned to sloth and sensuality, without learning or 
politeness, pass their lives much like travellers ; 
and who, in opposition to the design of nnt 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 25 

place their whole happiness in animal pleasure, 
looking on their minds as a heavy burden. The 
life and death of such as these are to me of equal 
value, since there is no notice taken of either. 1 He 
only seems to me to be truly alive, and to enjoy 
his rational nature, who, by engaging in an active 
course of life, pursues the glory that is derived 
from noble actions, or the exercise of some honour- 
able employment. Now, amid a great variety of 
occupations, nature has directed men to different 
pursuits. 

3. To act well for the state is glorious, and to 
write well for it is not without its merit. A man 
may become illustrious in peace or in war : many 
have been applauded for performing heroic actions, 
many for relating them. And though the character 
of the historian is not reckoned so glorious as that 
of the hero, yet to me it appears a very arduous 
task to write history well, since the style must be 
suited to the subject. Besides, many look on the 
censure of faults as the effect of malice and envy ; 
and when the glorious achievements of brave and 
worthy men are related, every reader will be easily 
inclined to believe what he thinks he could have 
performed himself, but will treat what exceeds that 
measure as false and fabulous. 

As for me, like most others, I had in my younger 
days a strong desire for a share in the administra- 
tion ; but found many obstructions in my way : for 
instead of modesty, justice, and virtue, licentious- 
ness, corruption, and avarice flourished; which, 

l " He alone," says Seneca, " can be truly said to live, who devotes 
himself to some purpose of usefulness and activity. The man who 
indulges in apathy, and sinks into forgetfulness, renders his house like a 
sepulchre, in which he is virtually entombed." 

Sal.—C 



26 SALLUST ON THE 

though my sou], as yet untainted with evil habits, 
utterly abhorred, yet amid such general depravity 
my tender years were caught by ambition ; and 
although I avoided, in the general tenor of my con- 
duct, the corrupt practices of the age, yet being 
fired with the same ardour for preferment that others 
were, I was thence exposed to envy and reproach 
as well as they. 

4. As soon, however, as my mind was deliv- 
ered from the many crosses and dangers attending 
this pursuit, and I had determined to retire during 
the remainder of my life from the administration, 
it was not my intention to waste such valuable 
time in sloth and indolence, nor to pass my days in 
agriculture, hunting, or the like servile occupations ; 
but, resuming my former design, from which the 
cursed spirit of ambition had diverted me, I re- 
solved to employ myself in writing such parts of 
the Roman history as appeared to me to be most 
deserving of being transmitted to posterity ; and 
this I chose the rather, because my mind was 
neither influenced by hope or fear, nor attached to 
any party in the state : accordingly, I shall here, 
with the utmost veracity, give a short account of 
Catiline's Conspiracy ; a memorable attempt, 
both for the enormous wickedness of it, and the 
danger it threatened. But before I enter directly 
on the story I shall give a short character of the 
man. 

5. Lucius Catiline was descended of an illus- 
trious family r 1 he was a man of great vigour, both 
of body and mind, but of a disposition extremely 

i The house of the Sergii, and not from that of the Cornelii, as stated 
by some authors. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 27 

profligate and depraved. From his youth he took 
pleasure in civil wars, massacres, depredations, 
and intestine broils ; and in these he employed his 
younger days. His body was formed for enduring 
cold, hunger, and want of rest, to a degree indeed 
incredible: his spirit was daring, subtle, and 
changeable : he was expert in all the arts of simu- 
lation and dissimulation ; covetous of what belonged 
to others, lavish of his own ; violent in his pas- 
sions : he had eloquence enough, but a small share 
of wisdom. His boundless soul was constantly 
engaged in extravagant and romantic projects, too 
high to be attempted. 1 

Such was the character of Catiline; who, after 
Sylla's usurpation, was fired with a violent desire 
of seizing the government ; and, provided he could 
but carry his point, he was not at all solicitous by 
what means. His spirit, naturally violent, was 
daily more and more hurried on to the execution 
cf his design by his poverty and the consciousness 
of his crimes; both which evils he had height- 
ened by the practices above mentioned. He was 
encouraged to it by the wickedness of the state, 
thoroughly debased by luxury and avarice ; vices 
equally fatal, though of contrary natures. 

Now that I have occasion to mention the Roman 
manners, I am naturally led to look back a little 
to past ages, and to give a short account of the 
institutions of our ancestors, both in war and peace; 
how they governed the state, and in what grandeur 

l Cicero describes him as the most striking compound of contrary 
qualities ; horribly depraved, but wonderfully versatile ; and, if not ac- 
tually possessed of virtue, yet ingenious, on every occasion, to assume 
its semblance, to seduce its adherents, and to turn the arts by which it 
is displayed to the most flagitious purposes. 



28 SALLUST ON THE 

they left it ; and how, by a gradual declension, it 
has fallen from the highest degree of virtue and 
glory to the lowest pitch of vice and depravity. 

6. The Trojans, as far as I can learn, who 
were forced to fly from their native country, and 
wandered up and down, without any fixed abode, 
under the conduct of iEneas, were the founders of 
Rome, together with the Aborigines, a barbarous 
race, subject to no laws, and restrained by no au- 
thority, but altogether independent and unaccount- 
able. It is incredible how easily these two nations, 
after they came to inhabit the same city, formed 
into one people, though differing in original, lan- 
guage, and manners. Afterward, when wholesome 
institutions, an increase of territory and inhabit- 
ants, had rendered their state sufficiently flourish- 
ing and glorious, their opulence, such is the hard 
fate of almost all human affairs, became the object 
of envy ; neighbouring princes and nations fell on 
them in war, and but few of their friends came to 
their assistance ; the rest, struck with terror, kept 
at a distance from the danger. 

The Romans, however, fearless and undaunted, 
equally on their guard both within and without the 
walls, acted with spirit and resolution ; concerted 
their measures, encouraged one another ; boldly 
faced the enemy ; and by their arms protected their 
liberty, their country, and their families : then, 
after having repelled their own dangers, they car- 
ried assistance to their confederates, and procured 
themselves alliances more by conferring than re- 
ceiving favours. 1 

l Pericles, according to Thucydides, ascribes a similar conduct to the 
Athenians ; and the historian then adds the following reflection; H He 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 29 

The form of their government was monarchical ; 
but monarchy circumscribed by laws : a select 
number of men, whose bodies were indeed enfee- 
bled with years, but their minds in full vigour, 
formed a council for the direction of public affairs ; 
they were called Fathers*, 1 either on account of 
their age, or a similitude of concern. Afterward, 
when the regal government, which was established 
for maintaining liberty and aggrandizing the state, 
degenerated into pride and tyranny, they abolished 
it, and created two magistrates with annual power ; 2 
this they thought would be the most effectual 
method to prevent that insolence which a long con- 
tinuance of power generally inspires. 

7. This change in the form of their govern- 
ment produced a great alteration in their manners; 
every one now exerted the utmost of his capacity 
in the service of his country, and was ready to 
display his talents on all occasions : for under 
tyrants the worthy are more exposed to jealousy 
than the worthless, and great abilities are always 
dreaded by them. It is incredible to relate how 
much the city increased in a short time after the 
recovery of its liberty ; so great was the ardour of 

who confers an obligation on another is ever the surest to continue 
steady in his friendship. The same benevolent temper which prompted 
him to serve his friend will generate a wish to continue the kindness, 
and secure his attachment. But the man who labours under the 
weight of an obligation experiences a feeling of far less alacrity : grati- 
tude, with him, is not an effort of generosity, but the repayment of a 
debt." 

i The first senate at Rome consisted of one hundred members, chosen 
from among the nobles, and was called the Perpetual Council of the 
State. 

2 The profligate conduct of Sextus Tarquinius towards Lucretia, the 
wife of Collatinus, occasioned this revolution. The wrongs of Lucretia 
were avenged by the people ; and her character has descended to pos- 
terity as an example of female chastity and virtue. 
C2 



30 SALLUST ON THE 

its citizens for glory. The youth, as soon as they 
were able to bear arms, 1 betook themselves to the 
camp, where they were trained up to war by labour 
and practice ; and they took greater pleasure in 
fine armour and war-horses than in licentiousness 
and banqueting. To such men no toils were un- 
usual, no situation grievous, no enemies formidable ; 
their resolution surmounted all difficulties. But 
their chief contest for glory was with one another ; 
every one laboured to signalize himself in the view 
of his fellow-soldiers, by striving to be the first in 
wounding the enemy and scaling the walls. This 
they reckoned riches, this glory and high rank. 2 
They were fond of applause, but liberal of money ; 
they desired only a competent share of riches, but 
boundless glory. I could relate on what occa- 
sions a handful of Romans has defeated mighty 
armies ; and what cities, strongly fortified by na- 
ture, they have taken by assault ; but this would 
carry me too far from my undertaking. 

8. Yet surely Fortune bears sovereign influence 
over every thing ; it is she that brightens or obscures 
all things, more from caprice and humour than a 
regard to truth and justice. The actions of the 
Athenians were, I am ready to grant, sufficiently, 
great and noble ; though not to such a degree as 
fame has represented them : but as they had 
writers of great genius, their achievements are 
celebrated throughout the world as the greatest that 
ever were ; and the bravery of those who performed 

i When they had completed their seventeenth year, and sometimes 
earlier, according to Vegetius. 

2 The Romans bestowed the brightest rewards and the most honour- 
able distinctions to promote valour in the field j hence they were never 
surpassed in acts of heroism. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 31 

them is reckoned just as great as the abilities of 
these illustrious authors in extolling them. But 
the Roman people wanted this advantage, because 
their ablest men were the most employed in the 
service of the state. None cultivated their minds 
without bodily application. The worthiest men 
preferred doing to speaking, and chose rather that 
others should commend their virtuous actions than 
they relate those of others. 1 

9. Good morals, therefore, were cultivated both 
at home and abroad. A spirit of perfect harmony 
and disinterestedness every where prevailed. Laws 
had no greater influence in determining them to the 
practice of justice and equity than natural dispo- 
sition. The only quarrels, dissensions, and dis- 
putes they exercised were against the public ene- 
my: all the contests that subsisted among the 
citizens were in virtuous deeds. They were mag- 
nificent in their offerings to the gods ; frugal in 
their families ; and faithful to their friends. Bravery 
in war, and equity and moderation in peace, were 
the only means by which they supported them- 
selves and the public affairs : and, as the clearest 
evidence of these virtues, I find that, in time of 
war, such as engaged the enemy contrary to orders, 
or continued in the field after a retreat was sounded, 
were more frequently punished than those who 
abandoned their standards, or quitted their posts ; 2 
and, in peace, they conducted the administration 

i During the first five eenturies they were averse to the cultivation of 
eloquence or literature, which, as Cicero observes, are incompatible wkh 
war and tumult, with the caprice of tyranny, or the changefulness of 
revolutions. 

2 Polybius attributestthe success of the Romans to their military dis- 
cipline ; he says, the man who swerved from his rank in the day of j 
battle was uniformly punished with death. N 



32 SALLTJST ON THE 

more by the force of favours than of terror ; and, 
if they received an injury, chose rather to forgive 
than revenge it. 

10. But when by probity and industry the state 
was become powerful ; when mighty princes were 
conquered in war ; barbarous nations and potent 
states reduced to obedience ; when Carthage, that 
vied with Rome for the empire of the world, was 
utterly demolished, and sea and land lay every 
where open to her power ; then Fortune began to 
exert her malice, and throw every thing into con- 
fusion. Ease and riches, the grand objects of the 
pursuit of others, depressed and ruined those who 
had, without regret, undergone toils and hardships, 
distresses and dangers. First a love of money 
possessed their minds ; then a passion for power ; 
and these were the seeds of all the evils that fol- 
lowed. For avarice rooted out faith, probity, and 
every worthy principle ; and, in their stead, sub- 
stituted insolence, inhumanity, contempt of the 
gods, and a mercenary spirit. Ambition obliged 
many to be deceitful ; to belie with their tongues 
the sentiments of their hearts ; to value friendship 
and enmity, not according to their real worth, but 
as they conduced to interest ; and to have a spe- 
cious countenance, rather than an honest heart. 
These corruptions at first grew by degrees, and 
were sometimes checked by correction. At last, 
the infection spreading like a plague, the state was 
entirely changed, and the government, from being 
the most righteous and equitable, became cruel and 
insupportable,. 

11. At first, indeed, the minds of men were 
less influenced by avarice than ambition, a vice 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 33 

which has some affinity to virtue ; for the desire 
of glory, power, and preferment is common to the 
worthy and the worthless ; with this difference, that 
the one pursues them by direct means ; the other, 
being void cf merit, has recourse to fraud and 
subtlety : avarice has money for its object, which 
no wise man ever coveted. This vice, as if im- 
pregnated with deadly poison, enervates both soul 
and body ; is always boundless and insatiable ; 
nor are its cravings lessened by plenty or want. 
But when Sylla had, by force of arms, made him- 
self master of the state, and, from fair beginnings, 
brought matters to a bloody issue, his victorious 
troops gave themselves up to rapine and violence ; 
one coveted a house, another lands : they observed 
neither measure nor moderation, but exercised the 
most enormous and inhuman outrages on the citi- 
zens. Besides, Sylla, to gain the affections of the 
army which he had commanded in Asia, had, con- 
trary to the rules of our ancestors, allowed them 
too great latitude, and indulged them in luxury: 
the warlike tempers of the soldiers, who were now 
without employment, became easily enervated by 
their delicious quarters and a life of pleasure. 
There the Roman troops first habituated them- 
selves to licentiousness and drinking; to admire 
statues, pictures, and sculpture ; to make spoil of 
them both publicly and privately ; to plunder the 
temples of the gods, and to ravage every thing 
both sacred and profane. An army thus disposed, 
and victorious too, was sure to leave nothing to 
the conquered : for success unhinges the minds 
even of wise men ; how then should they who 
were so depraved use their victory with moderation ? 



34 SALLUST ON THE 

12. When riches began to be held in high 
esteem, and attended with glory, honour, and 
power, virtue languished, poverty was deemed a 
reproach, and innocence passed for ill-nature. And 
thus luxury, avarice, and pride, all springing from 
riches, enslaved the Roman youth ; they wantoned 
ir rapine and prodigality ; undervalued their own, 
and coveted what belonged to others ; trampled on 
modesty, friendship, and continence; confounded 
things divine and human; and threw off all man- 
ner of consideration and restraint. 

To see the difference between modern and an- 
cient manners, one needs but take a view of the 
houses of particular citizens, both in town and 
country, all resembling in magnificence so many 
cities ; and then behold the temples of the gods, 
built by our ancestors, the most religious of all 
men. But they thought of no other ornament for 
their temples than devotion ; nor for their houses 
but glory ; neither did they take any thing from 
the conquered but the power of doing hurt. 
Whereas their descendants, the most effeminate 
of all men, have plundered from their allies, by 
the most flagrant injustice, whatever their brave 
ancestors left to their conquered enemies, as if the 
only use of power was to do wrong. 

1 3. It is needless to recount other things, which 
none but those who saw them will believe ; as the 
levelling of mountains by private citizens, and even 
covering the sea itself with fine edifices. 1 These 
men appear to me to have sported with their 

i Horace complains, that such was the number of princely palaces 
which rose at the command of the rich and great, that they threatened to 
abridge the labours of the husbandman ; and even the fish of the sea felt 
their element contracted by the piles of building which were raised in it. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 35 

riches, since they lavished them in the most shame- 
ful manner, instead of enjoying them with honour. 
Nor were they less addicted to all manner of ex- 
travagant gratifications : men and women laid aside 
all regard to chastity. To procure dainties for 
their tables, sea and land were ransacked. They 
indulged in sleep before nature craved it ; the re- 
turns of hunger and thirst were anticipated with 
luxury : and cold and fatigue were never so much 
as felt. The Roman youth, after they had spent 
their fortunes, were prompted by such depravations 
to commit all manner of enormities ; for their 
minds, impregnated with evil habits, and unable to 
resist their craving appetites, were violently bent 
on all manner of extravagances, and all the means 
of supplying them. 

14. In so great and corrupted a city, Catiline 
had always about him, what was no difficult mat- 
ter to find in Rome, bands of profligate and fla- 
gitious wretches, like guards to his person. For all 
those who were abandoned to gluttony and volup- 
tuousness, and had exhausted their fortunes by 
gaming, feasting, and licentiousness ; all who were 
overwhelmed with debts, contracted to purchase 
pardon for their crimes : add to this, parricides and 
sacrilegious persons from all quarters ; such as 
were convicted for crimes, or feared conviction : 
nay, farther, all who lived by perjury and shedding 
the blood of citizens : lastly, all whom wicked- 
ness, indigence, or a guilty conscience disquieted, — 
were united to Catiline in the firmest bonds of 
friendship and intimacy. Or if any person of an 
unblameable character became familiar with him, 
by daily conversation, and the snares that were 



36 SALLUST ON TfiB 

laid to corrupt him, he too soon resembled, and 
even equalled, the rest. But what he chiefly- 
courted was the intimacy of young men: their 
minds, being soft and pliable, were easily ensnared. 
Some of these he provided with mistresses ; bought 
horses and dogs for others, gratifying the favourite 
passion of each : in a word, he spared no expense, 
nor even his own honour, to engage them heartily 
in his interests. Some there were, I know, who 
thought that the youth who frequented Catiline's 
house were guilty of licentiousness ; but this ru- 
mour, I apprehend, was more owing to other rea- 
sons, than that there was any clear evidence of the 
fact. 

15. As for Catiline himself, he had, when very 
young, been guilty of many atrocious crimes, in 
open contempt of all law and order : afterward he 
conceived a passion for Aurelia Orestilla, one who 
had nothing but her beauty to recommend her ; 
and because she scrupled to marry him, on account 
of his having a son who was arrived at years of 
maturity, it is believed as a certain fact, that he 
destroyed that son, and made his house desolate, 
to open a way for this so infamous an alliance. 
And this indeed appears to me to have been the 
principal cause that pushed him on to the execu- 
tion of the conspiracy : for his guilty soul, at en- 
mity with gods and men, could find no rest ; so 
violently was his mind torn and distracted by a 
consciousness of guilt. Accordingly, his counte- 
nance was pale, his eyes ghastly, his pace, one 
while quick, another slow ; and indeed in all his 
looks there was an air of distraction. 

16. As for the youth whom he had corrupted in 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 37 

the manner above related, they were trained up to 
wickedness by various methods : he taught them 
to be false witnesses, to forge deeds, to throw off 
all regard to truth, to squander their fortunes, and 
slight dangers : and after he had stripped them of 
all reputation and shame, he pushed them on to 
crimes still more heinous ; and, even when no provo- 
cation was given, it was their practice to ensnare 
and murder those who had never injured them, as 
well as those who had. For he chose to be cruel 
and mischievous without any cause, rather than 
the hands and spirits of his associates should lose 
their vigour for want of employment. 

Catiline, confiding in these friends and accom- 
plices, formed a design to seize the government : 
he found an additional encouragement from the 
number of those who were oppressed with debts 
throughout the state, and the disposition of Sylla's 
soldiers, who, having squandered away what they 
had lately acquired, and calling to remembrance 
their former conquests and depredations, longed 
for a civil war. Besides, there was no army in 
Italy : Pompey was carrying on a war in the re- 
motest parts of the earth : he himself was in great 
hopes of obtaining the consulship: the senate 
seemed careless of the public ; and all things 
were quiet: a conjuncture of circumstances ex- 
tremely favourable to his designs. 

17. Accordingly, about the first of June, in the 
consulship of L. Caesar and C. Figulus, he first 
applied himself to his accomplices : some he, en- 
couraged, others he sounded; acquainted them how 
strongly he was supported ; how few forces the 
government had to oppose him; and laid before 

SAL.—D 



BS SALLUST ON THE 

them the great advantage that would attend the 
conspiracy. Having sufficiently sifted them, he 
called all those together who were most neces- 
sitous and daring. 

In this assembly were found of senatorial rank, 
P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Lon- 
ginus, C. Cethegus, P. Sylla and S. Sylla, the 
sons of Servius ; L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. 
Porcius Laecca, L. Bestia, and Q. Curtius : of the 
equestrian order, M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, 
P. Gabinius Capito, and O. Cornelius, to whom 
were joined many from the colonies and municipal 
towns, all men of figure in their several countries. 
There were likewise several noblemen engaged 
in this conspiracy, though not so openly ; men ex- 
cited, not by want, or any pressing consideration, 
but by the hopes of lawless power. Besides 
these, almost all the youth, especially the youth of 
quality, favoured Catiline's undertaking: even 
those who had it in their power to live at their 
ease, nay, splendidly and luxuriously, preferring 
uncertainties to certainties, and discord to peace. 
Some there were at that time, too, who believed 
that M. Licinius Crassus was privy to the design ; 
because he hated Pompey, who was at the head 
of a great army ; to reduce whose power he would 
willingly have promoted any interest whatever: 
besides, he hoped, if the conspiracy succeeded, 
that he should find it easy to make himself head 
of the conspirators. 

Some time before this a like conspiracy had been 
formed by a few, among whom was Catiline, of 
which I shall give the best account I am able. 

18. In the consulship of L. Tullus and M. Le- 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 89 

pidus, P. Autronius and P. Sylla, who were chosen 
to succeed them, had been prosecuted for bribery 
at elections, and punished. 1 Not long after Cati- 
line was likewise convicted of bribery, and hin- 
dered from suing for the consulship, because he 
could not declare himself a candidate within the 
limited time. At this time, too, Cn. Piso, a young 
nobleman, extremely bold, indigent, and factious, 
was instigated by his poverty and depraved morals 
to raise commotions in the state. Catiline, Autro- 
nius, and he, entering into a combination about the 
fifth of December, determined to murder the con- 
suls L. Torquatus and L. Cotta in the capitol, on 
the first of January: on which Catiline and Au- 
tronius were to seize the consulship, and send Piso 
with an army to take possession of both the Spains. 
But their design being discovered, they put off the 
assassination plot to the fifth of February ; at 
which time they proposed not only to murder the 
consuls, but likewise most of the senators. And 
if Catiline had not been too forward in giving the 
signal to his associates, before the senate-house, 
there had been that day the most bloody massacre 
Rome had ever seen. But as no great number of 
the conspirators had yet got together, the scheme 
was frustrated. 

19. Notwithstanding this, Piso, though he had 
only the office of qusestor, was afterward sent into 
Nether-Spain, in quality of propraetor, by the in- 
terest of Crassus ; because he knew him to be an 
irreconcilable enemy to Pompey. Nor was the 

l The Roman laws against bribery and corruption, instituted to 
secure the freedom of elections, were very severe : by that of Cicero, 
delinquents were rendered liable to banishment for ten years. 



40 SAIXUST ON THE 

senate indeed averse to his having the province, 
for they were desirous to have so turbulent a citi- 
zen at a great distance from them; besides, a 
great many who wished well to the interests of the 
state looked on him as a defence to it, now the 
power of Pompey was become formidable. But 
Piso, in his march to his province, was murdered 
by some Spanish horsemen he had in his army. 
Some there are who ascribe his death to his 
haughty, arbitrary, and tyrannical behaviour in his 
command, which the barbarians could not bear. 
Others allege, that these soldiers assassinated Piso 
by Pompey's order, whose old followers they were, 
and devoted to his interest : that the Spaniards had 
never attempted any such thing before, but had 
often submitted patiently to the merciless orders 
of their commanders. As for me, I shall leave 
the matter undetermined; and have now said 
enough of the first conspiracy. 

20. When Catiline saw those whose names we 
have already given assembled together, though he 
had often conferred with them singly, yet, judging 
it proper to address and encourage them in a body, 
he withdrew with them into a private part of the 
house, where none could hear him but the con- 
spirators, and there spoke to them in the following 
manner : — 

"If your bravery and fidelity were not well 
known to me, the present opportunity had occurred 
to no purpose; vain would all our great hopes 
have been: the power of seizing the government 
had dropped into our hands in vain ; nor should I, 
depending on dastardly and irresolute associates, 
have hazarded certainties for uncertainties. But 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 41 

as I have on many important "occasions proved 
your bravery and attachment to me, I have dared 
to engage in an enterprise of the highest conse- 
quence and the greatest glory. It is an additional 
encouragement to me, when I consider the harmony 
of our desires and aversions, which is the firmest 
bond of friendship. 

" Now the nature of my undertaking you have 
already heard severally ; and my ardour to put it 
in execution increases daily, when I consider what 
must be our future lot, unless we recover our 
liberty. For since the government came under 
the power and management of a few, kings and 
princes have been tributary to them, and nations 
have paid them taxes ; while all the rest of us 
citizens, however worthy or brave, noble or ple- 
beian, have remained as a sorry mob, without in- 
terest or authority, slaves to those to whom we 
should be a terror, were the state but in its due 
vigour. All sway, preferment, interest, and riches 
are now in their hands, or those of their favourites ; 
to us they have left nothing but dangers, repulses 
from public dignities, the terror of tribunals, and 
the bufferings of poverty. Which indignities how 
long will ye tamely submit to, ye bravest of men ? 
Is it not better to die in a brave attempt than to 
drag a wretched and infamous life, and to lose it 
at last shamefully, after having been the sport of 
other men's insolence ? 

21. " But I take gods and men to witness, that 
success is in our hands ; our bodies and minds are 
in full vigour : on the other hand, they are on the 
decline in every respect, oppressed with years and 
riches. All that is necessary is, only to make the 
D2 



42 SALLTJST ON THE 

attempt; when once the undertaking is set on 
foot, every thing else will follow in course. For 
who, that has the spirit of a man, can bear with 
patience that they should have such a superfluity 
of riches as to lavish them in raising mighty edi- 
fices on the deep, and levelling mountains, while 
we have not so much as the necessaries of life ; 
that they should be multiplying their palaces, 
while we have no fixed habitation ; that though 
they are constantly buying pictures, statues, and 
vessels of curious workmanship, pulling down new 
houses, and building others ; in short, though they 
waste and dissipate their wealth by every extrava- 
gant method ; yet, by all the efforts of profusion, 
they are unable to exhaust it ? As for us, we have 
poverty at home, and debts abroad ; our condition 
is bad, our expectation much worse : finally, what 
have we left but a wretched life ? Rouse then to 
action! Behold the object you have often wished 
for! behold Liberty! and in her train riches, 
glory, and honour, all full in your view ! All these 
rewards Fortune has prepared for the conquerors. 
But let the present conjuncture and opportunity, — 
let your dangers, your poverty, and the glorious 
spoils of war animate you more powerfully than 
any words of mine. As for me, use me as you 
please, either as a leader or as a private soldier. I 
shall always be with you, both in council and exe- 
cution. But I hope to act as consul with you in this 
enterprise ; if, after all, I am not deceived in my opin- 
ion of you, and you prefer not slavery to empire."! 

l The particulars of Catiline's discourse, of which it is difficult to 
conceive how the historian acquired any very certain information, are 
well imagined, and agree with Cicero's account of the proceeding. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 43 

22. On hearing this harangue, his associates, 
who were all extremely wretched, destitute of 
every thing, and even void of every honest hope ; 
though they were pleased with the thought of em- 
broiling the state, and even looked on that as a 
great recompense ; yet most of them desired that 
he would declare to them on what terms they were 
to engage in the war, and what were to be their 
rewards ; what strength they had to depend on, 
and what hopes of success. Then Catiline prom- 
ised them an abolition of their debts ; the pro- 
scription of the rich; dignities, sacred and civil; 
plunder, and every other advantage that the uncon- 
trolled pleasure of conquerors includes. Besides, 
he told them that Piso and P. Sitius Nucerinus 
were both privy to his design ; the former with an 
army in Spain, the other at the head of one in 
Mauritania : that C. Antonius was candidate for 
the consulship, whom he hoped to have for his 
colleague ; one who was his intimate, and embar- 
rassed with all manner of difficulties ; and that in 
conjunction with him he would begin the execution 
of his design as soon as they should enter on their 
office. After this he proceeded to inveigh bitterly 
against all men of worth ; commended his own 
accomplices, and calling to every one by his name, 
some he put in mind of their poverty, others of 
their amours, several of their dangers and dis- 
graces, and many of the booty they had got in 
consequence of Sylla's victory. Then, perceiving 
all their spirits elevated, he pressed them to take 
care of his interest at the next election, and dis- 
missed the assembly. 

23. Some there were at that time who said that 



44 SALLUST ON THE 

Catiline, when he had ended his speech, and pro- 
ceeded to administer an oath to his associates, 
presented them all round with a bow] of human 
blood mixed with wine ; that, when they had all 
tasted and sworn, as is usual in solemn sacrifices, 
he disclosed his design to them ; and that he did 
this in order to engage them more strictly to mu- 
tual faith, as each was privy to the guilt of another 
in so horrible a fact. 1 But some believe that this, 
and much more, was invented by those who thought 
to allay the odium which fell on Cicero for putting 
the conspirators to death, by aggravating their 
crimes. But I could never meet with clear evi- 
dence for so extraordinary a fact. 

24. In this conspiracy was Q. Curius, a man of 
no mean family, but loaded with crimes, and, as a 
mark of disgrace, expelled the senate by the cen- 
sors. This man had an equal share of levity and 
audaciousness ; whatever he heard he disclosed : 
nor could he even conceal his own crimes : in a 
word, he neither considered what he said or did. 
There had been for a long time a criminal corres- 
pondence between him and Fulvia, a lady of 
quality ; but finding himself less agreeable to her 
than formerly, because his poverty would not suffer 
him to be so liberal, all on a sudden he began to 
tempt her with great promises, boasting of seas 
and mountains of wealth ; sometimes he threat- 
ened to kill her, if she would not be obsequious : 
in a word, he behaved more haughtily than he had 
ever done before. When Fulvia learned the 
ground of this insolent behaviour, she did not 

i Floras, Plutarch, and others seem to credit the authenticity of this 
circumstance. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY, 45 

conceal what threatened so much danger to the 
state ; but, without mentioning her author, discov- 
ered to many all that she had heard of Catiline's 
conspiracy. This discovery made the people 
zealous to confer the consulship on M. T. Cicero : 
for before this most of the nobility regarded Cicero's 
views with envy and indignation, and thought that 
the consular dignity would be sullied if a new 
man, however deserving, should be raised to it. 1 
But when danger threatened, pride and envy dis- 
appeared. 

25. Accordingly, when the assembly for elec- 
tions was held, M. Tullius and C. Antonius were 
declared consuls, which was a heavy blow to the 
conspirators. Catiline's fury, however, was not in 
the least abated; he exerted himself every day 
more and more ; provided magazines of arms in all 
the most convenient places of Italy ; borrowed 
money, either on his own credit or that of his 
friends, and conveyed it to Feesula?, to one Manlius, 
who first began the war. At this juncture he is 
said to have engaged in his interest great numbers 
of all ranks ; some women were drawn over to his 
cause, with whom a taste for expense had formerly 
been supported by their gallantries : but as a pas- 
sion for luxury survived the decay of their charms, 
a load of debt had necessarily followed. By their 
means he expected to bring over to his party the 

l M. T. Cicero was the first of his family who attained to the honours 
of the state : he was one of the most eminent statesmen, and certainly 
the greatest orator, philosopher, and critic, that Rome ever produced. 
He was born at Arpinum, which had formerly been the birthplace of 
Caius Marius. This inconsiderable town may be truly said to have 
boasted of men who exemplified the character given by the younger Pliny 
of true glory, " by doing what deserved to be written, or by writing 
what deserved to be read." 



46 SALLUST ON THE 

city slaves to set fire to the city, and either engage 
their husbands, or in case of refusal have them 
slain. 

26. Among these was Sempronia, a woman of a 
masculine spirit, and who had often been engaged 
in many daring and hardy enterprises. In her 
person and family, in her husband and children, 
she was abundantly happy. With no inconsidera- 
ble tincture of Greek and Roman literature, she 
could sing and dance with greater elegance than 
was needful or becoming in a modest woman. 1 She 
had also other accomplishments of the same cast ; 
numerous, indeed, though little useful, except as 
the instruments of luxury ; the charms of which 
were ever dearer to her heart than the graces of 
modesty or the praise of virtue. On money she 
set no value ; none whatever on reputation : and 
in affairs of the heart, she was sometimes more 
ready to make the first advances, than wait to 
receive them. She had often forfeited her faith, 
perjured herself to avoid paying her debts, been 
privy to murders, — in a word, her extravagance and 
indigence had carried her to the utmost excesses 
of wickedness. Notwithstanding all this, she had 
a great deal of wit, could compose verses,.was very 
facetious in conversation, could talk modestly, ten- 
derly, or satirically ; in short, she excelled in hu- 
mour and pleasantry. 

27. Having taken these measures, Catiline, not- 
withstanding his late repulse, declared himself a 



1 Singing and dancing were not disreputable among the ancient Ro- 
mans : they were practised, not only at festivals, but in religious cere- 
monies. The historian must therefore be understood to apply this remark 
to Sempronia's want of modesty. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 47 

candidate for the consulship against the ensuing 
year, in hopes, if he should be chosen, of using 
Antonius as he pleased. Nor was he inactive in 
the mean time ; but contriving endless machinations 
for the destruction of Cicero, who was not wanting 
in dexterity and subtlety to defeat them ; for, from 
the beginning of his consulship, he had success- 
fully employed Fulvia to engage, by force of prom- 
ises, Q. Curius, whom we have already mentioned, 
to discover all Catiline's designs : and by promising 
a province to his colleague, he had prevailed on 
him not to act against the state. Besides, he had 
always about him a number of his friends and 
clients to guard his person. When the day of 
election came, Catiline, finding that neither his suit 
for the consulship, nor his plots to cut off Cicero 
in the field of Mars, had succeeded, determined on 
open war, and to try the utmost extremities, since 
his secret attempts had ended in disappointment 
and infamy. 

28. Accordingly, he despatched C. Manlius to 
Faesulae and the adjacent parts of Etruria, one Sep- 
timius of Camertes to the territory of Picenum, and 
C. Julius into Apulia ; others too he sent to differ- 
ent places, just as he thought it subservient to his 
purpose. Meanwhile he was making several efforts 
at Rome at once ; laying fresh snares against the 
life of the consul; contriving to set fire to the city, 
ptacing armed men in convenient posts : he him- 
self was constantly armed, and ordered his follow- 
ers to be so too ; ! was ever pressing them to be on 

l Within the city, even military officers were not, by law, permitted 
to carry arms : the conspirators must therefore have concealed their 
poniards or daggers. 



48 SALLTJST ON THR 

their guard, and prepared for action ; day and night 
he was in a hurry ; lived without sleep ; and was 
nevertheless indefatigable under all his toils. At 
last, perceiving that his numerous efforts were un- 
successful, he employed M. Porcius Laecca to sum- 
mon together the principal conspirators once more 
in the dead of night ; and after having complained 
grievously of their inactivity, he informed them that 
he had sent Manlius to command a body of men, 
which he had prepared to take up arms ; that he 
had likewise despatched others to different places 
to begin the war ; and that he himself longed 
earnestly to go to the army, if he could but first 
destroy Cicero, for that he greatly obstructed all 
his measures. 

29. Now, when all the rest remained fearful and 
irresolute, C. Cornelius, a Roman knight, and L. 
Vargunteius, a senator, offered their services : they 
agreed to go that very night to Cicero's house, with 
a few armed men, under pretence of making him a 
visit, and to assassinate him by surprise. Curius, 
as soon as he learned what danger threatened the 
consul, despatched Fulvia to acquaint him with the 
plot ; so that when they came entrance was denied 
them, and their black attempt frustrated. 
. Meanwhile Manlius was exciting the people in 
Etruria to take arms ; who, both from their poverty 
and their resentment of the injuries done them un- 
der Sylla's usurpation, when they were depriveS 
of their lands and all they had, were of themselves 
desirous of innovations. He likewise engaged rob- 
bers of all kinds, who were very numerous in that 
country, with some of Sylla's old soldiers too, who 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 49 

by their intemperance and extravagance had squan- 
dered away all their former acquisitions. 

30. Cicero, on hearing of these transactions, was 
struck with so threatening an evil ; and not being 
able any longer to defend the city against the plots 
of the conspirators by his own private management, 
nor being apprized of the strength or views of Man- 
lius's army, laid the matter before the senate, which 
already had been the subject of public conversation. 
Whereon the senate, as was usual in cases of ex- 
treme danger, passed a decree " that the consuls 
should take care the state suffered no detriment;" 
by which they were empowered (such is the policy 
of the Roman government) to raise forces, make 
war, exercise an unlimited jurisdiction over the 
citizens and allies, and to bear sovereign command 
both in the city and in the field; none of which 
things fall under their authority without a special 
ordinance of the people. 

31. A few days after, L. Saenius, a senator, read 
a letter in the senate, which he said was brought 
him from Feesulae ; acquainting him that C. Man- 
lius had taken arms about the latter end of October, 
with a numerous body of men. To this some 
added, as is usual on such occasions, accounts of 
omens and prodigies ; others related that unusual 
cabals were held, arms carried to different places, 
and that the slaves were arming in Capua and 
Apulia. Whereon, by a decree of the senate, Q. 
Marcius Rex was sent to Faesulae, and Q. Metellus 
Creticus to Apulia and the adjacent parts ; both 
these officers had been commanders of armies, and 
were waiting without the city for the honour of a 
triumph, which was refused them by the malice of 

Sal„-E 



50 SALLUST ON THE 

a few, whose custom it was to make sale of every 
thing, honourable and infamous. The praetors, too, 
Q. Pompeius Rufus and Q. Metellus Celer, 1 were 
sent, the one to Capua, the other to Picenum; and 
power was given them to raise forces, according to 
the exigency of the times and the degree of dan- 
ger. Besides, the senate decreed, that if any one 
would make any discovery concerning the con- 
spiracy against the state, he should have, if a slave, 
his liberty and a hundred thousand sesterces f if a 
freeman, his pardon and two hundred thousand. It 
was likewise decreed, that bands of gladiators 3 
should be sent to Capua and the other municipal 
towns, according to the strength of each ; and that 
guards should be posted at Rome, in every quarter, 
under the command of the inferior magistrates. 

32. With all these things the city was deeply 
affected, and assumed a new face ; from the highest 
jollity and riot, such as spring from a lasting peace, 
sorrow of a sudden appeared on every countenance. 
There was nothing but universal hurry and con- 
fusion ; no place was thought secure ; no person 
fit to be trusted ; they neither enjoyed peace nor 



1 One of the most eminent and virtuous patriots of this period, who 
greatly assisted Cicero in putting down the conspiracy. 

2 About 807Z. 55. lOd. sterling. 

3 The gladiators were men selected from among condemned male- 
factors, captives, unmanageable slaves, and other ruffians, who were 
trained to fight for the entertainment of the peoole. These combats 
were first exhibited by the sons of Brutus, at the funeral of their father; 
and the custom seems to have originated in the superstitious notion that 
the manes of the deceased were appeased, and rendered propitious, by 
the spilling of human blood. As the Romans were delighted with such 
exhibitions, they were not long confined to funerals, but resorted to on 
almost every public occasion ; and a taste for these bloody spectacles 
continued to prevail down to the time of Constantine, when it yielded, 
at length, to the mild spirit of Christianity. But shows of gladiators 
were not completely suppressed until the reign of Honorius. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 51 

were at war ; every one measured the public dan- 
ger by their private fears. The women, too, full 
of apprehensions of war, which the great power of 
the state had formerly secured them against, gave 
themselves up to sorrow and lamentation ; raised 
their suppliant hands to heaven; bewailed their 
tender children ; were eager for news ; alarmed at 
every thing ; and laying aside their pride and 
pleasures, became anxious for themselves and their 
country. Yet the cruel spirit of Catiline persisted 
in the same desperate pursuit, notwithstanding the 
preparations that were made to defeat his measures, 
and though he himself stood arraigned by L. Paulus, 
on the Plautian law : nay, he even came to the 
senate-house, the better to dissemble his design; 
as if, provoked by injurious representations, he only 
came to clear his character. As soon as he ap- 
peared the consul Cicero, either fearing some bad 
effects from his presence, or fired with indignation, 
made that powerful and impressive speech, so use- 
ful to the state, which he afterward reduced to 
writing, and gave to the public. 1 As soon as he 
had sat down Catiline, resolved to deny every 
article, with downcast looks and suppliant voice, 
begged of the fathers not to believe too hastily 
what was alleged against him f that such was his 

1 This was the first of his celebrated orations against Catiline, which 
was pronounced without premeditation, and gives a high idea of the 
readiness and genius of the great orator. The feelings of Cicero were, 
with good reason, strongly excited : the^state of the city ; his own per- 
sonal danger ; the daring attack on his house, made but the morning 
before ; the presence of some of the conspirators ; all conspired to raise 
his indignation to the highest pitch. 

2 Plutarch confirms the account given by Sallust of the manner in 
which Catiline received this tremendous attack ; and adds, that when 
he entered the senate, and took his seat, none of the members remained 
on that side of the housa 



52 SALLUST ON THE 

birth, arid such had been his conduct from his 
youth, that he had reason to hope for a very favour- 
able impression from the public ; and it was not to 
be imagined that one of the patrician order, whose 
ancestors, as well as himself, had done so many 
services to the Roman people, should want to over- 
turn the government, while Cicero, a stranger, and 
late inhabitant of Rome, was so zealous to defend 
it. As he was going on with his invectives against 
the consul, the senate, raising a general outcry* 
called him traitor and parricide : on which, aban- 
doning himself to fury and despair, — " Since, then," 
said he, " I am circumvented and driven headlong 
by my enemies, I will quench the flame raised 
about me by the common ruin." 

33. With these words, he rushed out of the 
assembly and went home ; where, reflecting much 
with himself, and considering that his designs 
against the consul had proved unsuccessful, and 
that it was impossible to set fire to the city, by 
reason of the guards that were placed every where, 
he judged it most advisable to reinforce his army, 
and to make all necessary preparations for war 
before the legions were raised; and accordingly 
set out in the dead of night for Manlius's camp, with 
a few attendants. Before his departure, however, 
he gave instructions to Lentulus and Cethegus, and 
those of his associates whom he knew to be most 
daring and resolute, to strengthen the party by all 
possible means ; to despatch the consul as soon as 
they could ; to have every thing in readiness for 
the intended massacre, the firing of the city, and 
the other feats of war ; promising that he himself 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 53 

would in a short time come to the city at the head 
of a great army. 1 

34. During these transactions at Rome, C. Man- 
lius sent deputies to Q. Marcius Rex, with orders 
to accost him in the following manner :— 

" We call gods and men to witness, O general, 
that we have neither taken up arms against our 
country, nor with a view to injure any particular 
person, but to defend ourselves from oppression, 
wretched and needy as we are, through the vio- 
lence and cruelty of usurers ; most of us deprived 
of our habitations, and all of our reputation and 
fortunes ; none of us allowed the protection of the 
laws, as our forefathers were, nor so much as the 
liberty of our persons, when nothing else is left us : 
such has been the cruelty of the usurers and prae- 
tors. 2 Your ancestors, out of compassion to the 
people of Rome, have often relieved their wants by 
their decrees ; and but lately, in our own times, on 
account of the great pressure of debts, they have 
obliged the creditors to compound, and that with 
the approbation of every worthy man. The people 
have often taken arms, and separated from the 

1 The want of sufficient evidence, according to Appian, prevented the 
seizure of Catiline. He therefore set out, during the night, to join Man- 
lius at Faesulae, previously directing his accomplices to endeavour to 
assassinate Cicero and set fire to Rome. 

2 The army of Manlius was chiefly composed of men who had like 
himself amassed considerable wealth under Sylla, but which they had 
dissipated; they were involved in pecuniary difficulties ; and there was 
no class of men against whom the laws were more severe than against 
debtors. If they could not pay a creditor, or give him ample security, 
they were given up as slaves. By the laws of the Twelve Tables it 
was ordained, that when there were several creditors, as it was impos- 
sible to satisfy them all, the body of the debtor could even be cut to 
pieces, for that purpose. The greatest severities were also practised at 
Athens for the recovery of debts : not only the debtor himself, but his 
children could be seized and sold as slaves in foreign countries, to reim-, 
ljurse the usurer. 

E2 



54 SALLTTST ON THE 

senate, prompted either by a passion for power, or 
the insolence of their magistrates. As for us, we 
neither desire power nor riches, which are the 
sources of all the wars and contests among mens 
liberty is our aim; that liberty which no brave 
man will lose but with his life. Wherefore we 
conjure you and the senate to espouse the interests 
of your wretched fellow-citizens, to restore to us 
the protection of the laws, torn from us by the 
iniquity of the praetors ; and not reduce us to the 
fatal necessity of studying to perish in such a man- 
ner as amply to avenge our own blood on those 
who have oppressed us." 

35. To this Q. Marcius replied, " That if they 
had any petition to present to the senate, they must 
forthwith quit their arms and repair to Rome as 
suppliants ; that such had been the clemency and 
compassion of the senate and people of Rome on 
all occasions, that no one had ever applied to them 
in vain for relief." 

Now Catiline, in his way to the camp, sent 
letters to several persons of consular dignity, and 
indeed to every one of distinguished merit, repre- 
senting, "That being beset with false accusations, 
and unable to resist the faction of his enemies, he 
submitted to his fortune, and was going a voluntary 
exile to Marseilles ; not that he was conscious of 
the horrid treason he was charged with, but out of 
regard to the tranquillity of the state, and to pre- 
vent any disturbances that might arise from his 
opposition." 

But a letter of a quite different kind was read in 
the senate by Q. Catulus, which he declared he 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY, 55 

had received from Catiline ; a copy of which here 
follows : 

36. " L. Catiline to Q. Catulus, health. 

" Your great friendship to me, which I have so 
t)ften proved when in my greatest dangers, inspires 
me with confidence to apply to you on this occa- 
sion ; for which reason I shall not offer you any 
defence of my present measures : as I am conscious 
of no guilt, I shall only make a declaration of my 
innocence, for the truth of which I appeal to the 
gods. 

" Being provoked by injuries and false accusa- 
tions, deprived of the rewards of my services, and 
disappointed of the dignity I sued for, I have, 
according to my usual practice, undertaken the 
cause of the oppressed ; not that I am urged to this 
by my debts, for my estate is sufficient to discharge 
what I owe on my own account ; and Orestilla 
would (such is her generosity) clear all my engage- 
ments on account of others out of her own fortune 
and that of her daughters : but seeing men of no 
merit raised to the highest honours of the state, 
and myself set aside on groundless jealousies, I 
have on this account taken such measures for pre- 
serving the small remains of my, dignity as my 
present situation will sufficiently justify. I should 
have said more to you, but I am just now informed 
that violent measures are taken against me ; I 
therefore conclude with recommending Orestilla to 
your protection ; beseeching you, by the regard you 
have for your own children, to defend her from 
injuries. Adieu." 



56 SALtUST ON tH£ 

37. Having staid a few days with C. Fla-' 
minius in the territory of Reate, till he had furnished 
that neighbourhood, which had before been gained 
over to his party, with arms, he proceeded with the 
fasces and the other ensigns of consular authority 
to Manlius's camp. When this was known at Rome 
the senate declared Catiline and Manlius enemies 
to the state, with pardon to such of their followers 
as should quit their arms by a certain day, those 
only excepted who were under sentence for capital 
crimes. They likewise decreed that the consuls 
should levy forces ; that C. Antonius should pursue 
Catiline with all expedition, and Cicero stay to 
defend the city. l The Roman state, at this juncture, 
appears to me to have been in a condition extremely 
deplorable ; since, though all nations, from the 
rising to the setting sun, were reduced to its obe- 
dience ; though peace and prosperity, the greatest 
blessings of life in the estimation of men, reigned 
at home, there were yet some of her citizens despe- 
rately bent on their own ruin and that of the com- 
monwealth : for, notwithstanding the two decrees 
of the senate, not a man was found among the 
numerous followers of Catiline to accept the re- 
ward and discover the conspiracy ; not a single 
person to desert his camp : so strong a spirit of 
disaffection had, like a pestilence, taken possession 
of their minds. 

38; Nor were the conspirators and their accom- 

1 When the news reached Rome of Catiline's arrival at the camp of 
Manlius, the whole senate went into mourning, a measure which was 
usual only in seasons of public calamity ; and Dion Cassius says, that 
the resolution adopted by Cicero, of remaining in the city, and generously 
giving up his own province to his colleague Antonius, proved, in a great 
degree, the salvation of the commonwealth. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 57 

plices the only disaffected persons ; the whole body 
of the populace, from their passion for a revolution, 
approved Catiline's designs ; nor in this did they 
act contrary to their usual character: for in all 
states, those that are poor envy the possessions of 
the great ; extol the extravagant ; hate what they 
have been long accustomed to ; long for changes ; 
and, from a dislike to their own condition, endeavour 
to throw every thing into confusion : in times of 
public disorder and discord they find their subsist- 
ence without any trouble ; since poverty is always 
attended with this advantage, that it has nothing 
to lose. But the Roman populace were become 
extremely degenerate, from several causes ; chiefly 
because all who were remarkable for wickedness 
and violence ; such as had squandered their for- 
tunes in riot and extravagance ; in a word, all they 
who were forced from their native country for their 
crimes, flocked to Rome from all quarters, as a 
common resort. Many again were continually 
reflecting on Sylla's success ; through which they 
had seen some common soldiers raised to the dignity 
of senators, and others so enriched, that in pomp 
and splendour they lived like kings ; and every one 
hoped, in case of a civil war, to gain the victory, 
and the same advantages from it. Besides, the 
young men in the provinces, who were accustomed 
to earn a scanty subsistence by their labour, being 
drawn to Rome by the allurements of public and 
private largesses, preferred the ease of the city to 
their hard labour in the fields : these, with all others 
of the like character, found their support in the 
calamities of the state. So that it is not to be won- 
dered at that such men as these, oppressed with 



58 SALLUST ON THE 

poverty, of dissolute lives and extravagant views, 
should consult the interests of the state just as far 
as they were subservient to their own. They, too, 
whose parents had been proscribed, whose estates 
were confiscated, and who had been deprived of the 
privileges of citizens under the tyranny of Sylla, 
had the same expectations from a war as the others 
had. Moreover, all they who were of any party 
different from that of the senate wished rather to 
see the state embroiled than themselves without 
power : a mighty evil ! which, after having lain 
dormant for many years, had again revived in the 
city. 

39. After the tribunitian authority was restored, 
under the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, cer- 
tain young men, whose age and spirits were 
vigorous and buoyant, having acquired that high 
dignity, began, by inveighing against the senate, to 
inflame the populace ; then by largesses, and great 
promises, to heighten their rage ; and thus gained 
great credit and power to themselves. 

The greatest part of the nobility exerted their 
utmost efforts in opposition to them ; in appearance, 
to support the grandeur of the senate, but, in reality, 
their own : for, to declare the truth in few words, 
all who raised commotions in the state in those 
days made use of specious pretences ; some, to 
assert the rights of the people ; others, to advance 
the authority of the senate ; all to promote the public 
good; while everyone only endeavoured to gain 
power to himself. Their contests were carried on 
without any bounds or moderation ; and whatever 
party prevailed, made a cruel use of the victory. 

40. But when Pompey was sent against the 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 59 

pirates and Mithridates, the power of the people 
declined, and the whole sway was in the hands of 
a few. These engrossed all public offices, the 
government of the provinces, and every thing else ; 
lived unaccountable themselves, in great ease and 
security ; overawed the popular magistrates with 
impeachments, and thus prevented them from excit- 
ing the spirit of the people. But as soon as there 
was any hopes of a change in the state, the old 
contest fired the minds of the populace. And if 
Catiline had conquered in the first engagement, or 
come off but with equal loss, great distress and 
calamity must certainly have overwhelmed the 
state : nor would the conquerors have long enjoyed 
their victory ; but, when they were weakened and 
exhausted, whoever had most power would have 
seized the government, and subverted liberty. 

Some there were, however, who, though not 
concerned in the conspiracy, yet immediately joined 
Catiline. Among these was A. Fulvius, the son 
of a senator ; who was taken on the road, brought 
back to the city, and put to death by his father's 
orders. 1 At the same time Lentulus, in obedience 

l By the laws of Rome parents possessed an exorbitant power over 
their children. A father could with impunity suffer his infant son to 
perish. When grown up, he could imprison, send him hound to work 
in the country, or even put him to death, without assigning a cause. A 
son could acquire no property without the consent of his father : so that 
with a parent of a cruel or capricious temper the condition of a slave 
was, in some respects, more tolerable. A slave could be freed or eman- 
cipated by a single act; but a son, in order to become free, or his own 
master, was first to be sold into slavery, usually to a friend, and then 
resold by that friend to the father ; after which, being on the footing of a 
slave, he was to be manumitted with the same formalities. When the 
son was promoted to any public office the parental authority was sus- 
pended, by no means abolished ; for it continued to be exercised during 
the father's life, not only over his children, but over bis grandchildren, 
and great-grandchildren. A daughter, by marriage, passed from the 
power of her father to that of her husband. In later times the rigour of 
these institutions was considerably mitigated. 



60 SALLUST ON THE 

to Catiline's orders, was endeavouring to gain over, 
by himself or others, all such as, from their charac- . 
ters or circumstances, he thought proper to be 
employed in bringing about a revolution ; not only 
citizens of Rome, but all that could bear arms. 

41. Accordingly he employed one P. Umbrenus 
to apply to the deputies of the Allobroges, 1 and 
engage them, if possible, to join in the war : for he 
imagined, that as they were oppressed both with 
public and private debts, and the whole nation of 
the Gauls was naturally warlike, it would be no 
difficult matter to persuade them to enter into such 
a design. Umbrenus, having traded in Gaul, was 
known to most of the principal men in it, and 
acquainted with their characters. Accordingly, 
without any delay, as soon as he saw the deputies 
in the forum, after putting a few questions to them 
concerning the state of their nation, and affecting a 
deep concern for their grievances, he proceeded to 
ask, what issue they hoped for to their calamities ? 
then, perceiving that they complained of the covet- 
ousness of our magistrates ; that they inveighed 
against the senate for yielding them no protection ; 
and that they expected from death alone a remedy 
to their miseries ; he replied, " If you will only act 
like men, I will put you on a method to get rid of 
all your pressures." The Allobroges, on hearing 
this, conceived mighty hopes, and besought Umbre- 
nus to take pity on them ; for that there was no 
enterprise so difficult or dangerous in which they 
would not with the utmost readiness engage, pro- 
vided it would free their state from so vast a load 

i A people of Gaul, who inhabited what is now called Dauphin^ 
together with Savoy, Chablais, and Foucigny. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 61 

of debt. He then carried them to the house of D. 
Brutus, which joined to the forum, and was a very 
proper place for such a consultation, Sempronia 
being an accomplice, and Brutus then from Rome. 
To give the greater weight to what he had to say, 
he sent for Gabinius, too, before whom he laid open 
to them the conspiracy, named all who were 
engaged in it, and also many innocent persons, of 
every rank, to give them the greater courage ; and 
then dismissed them, after they had promised their 
assistance. 

42. The Allobroges, however, were long in 
suspense what course to take. On one side were 
pressing debts, a passion for war, and the prospect 
of great advantages from victory : on the other, supe- 
rior power, safe measures, and: instead of uncertain 
hopes, a certain recompense. While they were thus 
balancing, the fortune of Rome prevailed. 1 Accord- 
ingly, they discovered all they knew of the conspiracy 
to Q. Fabius Sanga,on whose patronage their nation 
chiefly depended. Cicero, apprized of the matter 
by Sanga, ordered the deputies to feign a mighty 
zeal for the conspiracy, to go to the rest of the 
accomplices, to promise largely, and endeavour to 
bring them under as clear conviction as possible. 

43. Much about the same time there were com- 
motions in Hither and Further Gaul, in the territory 
of Picenum, in Brutium, and Apulia. Those whom 
Catiline had sent into those parts acted like mad- 
men, pushing inconsiderately all their measures at 
once ; and by their consultations in the night-time, 

1 Cicero, in his third oration against Catiline, addressed to the people, 
notices this as a singularly fortunate occurrence to the commonwealth. 
" Your homage and gratitude to the gods have been often due, but never 
more justly than in the present juncture." 
Sal.— F 



62 SAIXTJST ON THE 

their carrying arms to and fro, their eager haste 
and precipitate proceedings, caused more alarm 
than danger. Many of these Q. Metellus Celer the 
praetor committed to prison, agreeably to the decree 
of the senate ; as did C. Muraena in Hither Gaul, 
where he was deputy-governor. 

44. At Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with 
the other heads of the conspiracy, presuming on a 
sufficient force, resolved that, as soon as Catiline 
arrived with his army in the territory of Faesulae, 
L. Bestia the tribune should assemble the people, 
inveigh against Cicero's conduct, and lay the blame 
of so distressful a war on the best of consuls ; that 
on this signal the whole body of the conspirators 
should, on the ensuing night, betake themselves to 
the discharge of their respective parts, which were 
said to be assigned them in the following manner. 
Statilius and Gabinius, with a considerable party f 
were to set fire at once to twelve of the most con- 
venient places in the city, that in the general hurry 
they might the more easily reach the consul, and 
all those whom they designed to assassinate. 
Cethegus was to force Cicero's house and put him 
to death ; while others were employed elsewhere 
in the like manner : young men too there were, 
living as yet with their parents (mostly indeed 
from among the nobility), who were to kill their 
fathers : and when they had spread consternation 
and horror every where by flames and massacre, 
they were to march out and meet Catiline. 

While they were thus resolving and forming 
their measures Cethegus was constantly complain- 
ing of want of spirit in his associates ; that, by 
their irresolution and delay, they abused the fairest 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 63 

opportunities ; that. in / so dangerous an enterprise, 
action was more necessary than deliberation ; that 
for himself, would a few only but support him, he 
would, notwithstanding the cowardice of others, 
attack the senate-house. As he was naturally of a 
daring, resolute spirit, and brave in his person, he 
thought the success depended on expedition. 

45. Now the Allobroges, according to Cicero's 
instructions, procured a meeting, by means of Ga- 
binius, with the rest of the conspirators ; and de- 
manded from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and 
likewise from Cassius, an oath signed severally by 
them, to carry to their countrymen, who otherwise 
would not be easily prevailed on to engage in an 
affair of so great importance. The rest, suspecting 
nothing, readily granted it : but Cassius promised 
that he would be in their country in a short time ; 
and accordingly left Rome a little before the depu- 
ties. In company with these Lentulus sent one 
Volturcius, of Crotona, that before they went home 
they might ratify the league with Catiline by mutual 
ties. He likewise gave Volturcius a letter for Cati- 
line, in the following words : 

" Who I am you will learn from him whom I 
have sent to you. Consider your great danger, and 
remember you are a man : recollect what your 
situation requires : seek assistance from all, even 
the lowest." 

Besides, he gave him verbal instructions to ex- 
postulate with Catiline, "how he could reject the 
assistance of the slaves, when he was declared a 
public enemy by the senate:" to acquaint him 
likewise, "that all preparations were made in 



84 SALLUST ON THE 

Kome according to his directions ; and that he him- 
self must not delay to advance." 

46. Cicero, on the night fixed for the departure 
of the deputies, from whom he had learned all, or- 
dered the praetors, V. Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, 
to lie in wait for the Allobroges at the Milvian 
bridge, and to secure them. He acquainted them 
at the same time with the reason of thus employ- 
ing them, and left them to act as they should see 
occasion. According to orders, they posted their 
guards quietly, and silently beset the bridge. 
When the deputies and Volturcius arrived, a shout 
was set up on both sides, and the Gauls, soon un- 
derstanding their design, immediately surrendered 
themselves to the praetors. Volturcius at first, en- 
couraging his companions, defended himself with 
his sword against the numbers who surrounded 
him ; but seeing himself forsaken by the deputies, 
he began earnestly to beseech Pomptinus, as his 
acquaintance, to spare his life. At last, full of 
dread and despair, he surrendered himself to the 
praetors, as if they had been foreign enemies. 

47. Immediately on this messengers were des- 
patched with an account of it to Cicero, who was 
seized at once with great joy and anxiety. He 
was glad to see the state rescued from ruin, by a 
full discovery of the conspiracy ; but what per- 
plexed him was the difficulty of knowing how to 
proceed against citizens of such eminence, con- 
victed of such horrid treason. To punish them, 
he thought, would create him many enemies, and 
to let them pass unpunished would ruin the state ; 
for which reason, arming his mind with resolution, 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 65 

he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabi- 
nius to be summoned before him ; as likewise Cae- 
parius of Terracina, who was on the point of 
marching to Apulia to raise the slaves. The others 
came immediately ; but Casparius, having gone 
from home a little before, and learned that all was 
discovered, had fled from the city. The consul 
took Lentulus, who was then praetor, by the hand, 
and conducted him to the senate, which he had as- 
sembled in the Temple of Concord > whither he 
ordered the rest to be brought under guard. Tol- 
turcius and the deputies were introduced into a 
very full assembly, and Flaccus was ordered to 
bring the packet of letters which he had received 
from them. 

48. Volturcius, being questioned about his jour- 
ney, the packet of letters, and lastly, what his de- 
sign was, and from what motives he acted, made, 
at first, ridiculous pretences, affecting to know no- 
thing of the conspiracy. But being promised his 
pardon, on the security of the public faith, he dis- 
covered every thing ; and told them, that a few 
days before Gabinius and Caeparius had drawn him 
in for an associate ; that he knew no more than the 
deputies did ; only he used to . hear Gabinius say 
that P. Autronius, Ser. Sulla, L. Vargunteius, with 
many more, were engaged in the conspiracy. The 
Gauls gave the same account; they likewise con- 
victed Lentulus (who pretended ignorance of the 
whole matter) not only by his letters, but by his 
common discourse, " that, according to the Sibyl- 
line oracles, three of the Cornelian family should 
be sovereigns of Rome ; that Sylla and Cinna had 
been so already ; and he himself was now the 
F 2 0, / ■ 



66 SALLUST ON THE 

third, appointed by the Fates to be master of the 
city : besides, that the present was the twentieth 
year from the burning of the capitol, 1 which the 
augurs, from several prodigies, had often foretold 
would produce a civil war and much bloodshed." 
On this the letters were read, and the criminals 
having acknowledged their several seals, the senate 
decreed that Lentulus should lay down his office, 
and, together with the rest, be kept in custody. 
Accordingly, Lentulus was delivered to P. Lentu- 
lus Spinther, who was then aedile ; Cethegus to Q. 
Cornificius ; Statilius to C. Caesar ; Gabinius to 
M. Crassus ; and Caeparius (who was taken in his 
flight, and brought back immediately before) to Cn. 
Terentius, a senator. 

49. Meanwhile the populace, which at first, 
from their passion for a revolution, were too fond 
of a civil war, on discovery of the conspiracy, 
changed their sentiments ; cursed the designs of 
Catiline ; extolled Cicero to the skies ; 2 and, like 
people rescued from bondage, gave themselves up 
to mirth and jollity : for* though they expected 
more advantage than loss by the ordinary events 
of the war, yet they looked on the firing of the 
city as an inhuman, barbarous attempt, and ex- 
tremely distressful to themselves, whose whole 

1 The capitol was three times destroyed by fire : first, in the time of 
Sylla's wars, and this is probably the period alluded to ; secondly, dur- 
ing the wars of Vitellius, when it was rebuilt by Vespasian, at whose 
death it suffered a third time, and was again repaired and decorated by 
Domitian. 

2 Transports of joy were now manifested by all ranks, although the 
historian appears to confine them to the populace. Cicero received the 
thanks of the senate, and was hailed as the " father of his country ;" a 
title which no man except himself ever received during the republic, 
and which the best of the emperors considered as their most distin- 
guished honour. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 67 

substance consisted in what supported them from 
day to day, and what they daily wore. 

The day after one L. Tarquinius was brought 
before the senate, who was going to join Catiline, 
as was reported, and apprehended by the way. 
This man, offering to give a particular account of 
the conspiracy, on the security of the public faith 
for his pardon, was ordered by the consul to de- 
clare what he knew. He then gave the senate 
almost the same account Volturcius had done ; of 
the design to fire the city ; of the intended mas- 
sacre of the best citizens ; and of the march of the 
army to Rome ; adding, that he was sent by Cras- 
sus to tell Catiline not to be discouraged by the 
apprehending of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others 
of the conspirators, but to make the greater haste 
to the city to rescue them from danger, and revive 
the ardour of the rest. 

When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of high 
quality, great riches, and vast credit in the state, 
they all called out that he was a false witness, and 
desired that it might be debated. Some thought 
it quite incredible ; others, though they believed 
the charge to be true, yet thought that a person of 
so great influence ought at such a juncture rather 
to be courted than exasperated : besides, most of 
the senators were under private obligations to 
Crassus. Accordingly, it was agreed in a full 
senate, at the motion of Cicero, that Tarquinius's 
evidence appeared to be false ; that he should be 
ordered to prison, and confined till he discovered 
by whose advice he had framed so impudent a 
falsehood. Some there were at that time who 
thought that this evidence was a contrivance of 



08 sallust on the 

P. Autronius, that Crassus, by being involved in the 
same danger with the rest of the conspirators, 
might protect them by his power. Others said 
that Tarquinius was urged to it by Cicero, to pre- 
vent Crassus from embroiling the state, by under- 
taking to protect villains, as was his custom. I 
heard Crassus indeed himself affirm that this con- 
tumely was fixed on him by Cicero. 

Yet, at the same time, Q. Catulus and C. Piso 
were not able to prevail on Cicero, either by in- 
terest, importunity, or any offers whatever, to have 
C. Caesar falsely accused by the Allobroges, or 
any other evidence : for both these great men were 
inveterate enemies to him ; Piso, because Caesar 
had obtained judgment against him for bribery, in 
sentencing to death a man beyond the Po unjustly ; 
Catulus was fired with resentment, because Caesar, 
though but a young man, in their competition fo* 
the office of high-priest, 1 had carried it against 
him in his old age, after having enjoyed the highest 
honours of the state. Now this they thought was 
a favourable opportunity to bring him under sus- 
picion : for by his great liberality to private per- 
sons, and great largesses to the people, he had 
contracted vast debts. But not being able to per- 
suade the consul to so black a crime, they them- 
selves, by going abo^t from man to man, and 
charging Caesar with many instances of guilt, 
which they pretended to have heard from Voltur- 
cius and the Allobroges, brought great odium on 
him, insomuch that certain Roman knights who 
were posted about the Temple of Concord as a 

.1 The ministers of religion did not form a distinct order in the state, 
but were usually chosen from among the citizens of the highest rank. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 69 

guard to the senate, whether struck with the great- 
ness of the danger, or, animated by a nobler prin- 
ciple, to testify their zeal for the public, threatened 
him as he came out of the house with their drawn 
swords. 

While these things were transacting in the sen- 
ate, and rewards decreeing to the deputies of the 
Allobroges and Volturcius, whose discoveries were 
approved, the freedmen and a few of the depend- 
ants of Lentulus went into different parts of the 
city, some endeavouring to prevail on the slaves 
and workmen in the streets to rescue him by force ; 
others searching after the ringleaders of the mob, 
who used for hire to raise commotions in the state. 
Cethegus, too, sent messengers to his domestic 
slaves and freedmen, fellows trained up to auda- 
cious enterprises, begging of them to form them- 
selves into an armed body and come to his deliver- 
ance. The consul, as soon as he received informa- 
tion of these proceedings, placed guards, as the 
time and exigency required ; and assembling the 
senate, desired to know " what they would please 
to determine concerning those who were now in 
custody T A full senate had indeed but lately de- 
clared them public traitors. Then D. Junius Sila- 
nus, who was first asked his opinion, as being 
consul-elect, voted for capital punishment to be 
inflicted, not on the prisoners only, but likewise 
on L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. 
Annius, if they should be apprehended : but after- 
ward, yielding to the strength of Caesar's argu- 
ments, he declared himself-of the same sentiments 
with Tiberius Nero, who had proposed that the 
guards should be strengthened and the debate 



70 SALLUST ON THE 

adjourned. Caesar, when asked by the consul in 
his turn, spoke in substance as follows : l 

50. " It is the duty of all men, Conscript Fa- 
thers, in their deliberations on subjects of difficult 
determination, to divest themselves of hatred and 
affection, of revenge and pity. The mind when 
clouded with such passions cannot easily discern 
the truth ; nor has any man ever gratified his own 
headstrong inclination and at the same time an- 
swered any valuable purpose. When we exercise 
our judgment only, it has sufficient force ; but 
when passion possesses us, it bears sovereign 
sway, and reason is of no avaih I could produce 
a great many instances of kings and states pur- 
suing wrong measures when influenced by resent- 
ment or compassion. But I had rather set before 
you the example of our forefathers, and show how 
they acted in opposition to the impulses of pas- 
sion, but agreeably to wisdom and sound policy. 
In the war which we carried on with Perses, king 
of Macedonia, Rhodes, a mighty and flourishing 
city, which owed all its grandeur, too, to the Roman 
aid, proved faithless, and became our enemy : but 
when the war was ended, and the conduct of the 
Rhbdians came to be taken into consideration, our 
ancestors pardoned them, that none might say the 
war had been undertaken more on account of their 
riches than of injuries. In all the Punic wars, 
too, though the Carthaginians, both in time of 
peace and even during a truce, had often insulted 



1 The speeches of Caesar and Cato on this occasion, which have been 
justly ranked as masterpieces of ancient composition, must not be con- 
sidered merely as the productions of the historian. It is generally ad- 
mitted that both were addressed to the senate in nearly such terms. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 7\ 

lis in the most outrageous manner, yet our ances- 
tors never improved any opportunity of retaliating ; 
considering more what was worthy of themselves 
than what might in justice be done against them. 

" In like manner, Conscript Fathers, ought you 
to take care that the wickedness of Lentulus and 
the rest of the conspirators weigh not more with 
you than a regard to your own honour ; and that 
while you gratify your resentment you do not for- 
feit your reputation. If a punishment indeed can 
be invented adequate to their crimes, I approve the 
extraordinary proposal made ; but if the enormity 
of their guilt is such that human invention cannot 
find out a chastisement proportioned to it, my 
opinion is, that we ought to be contented with such 
as the law has provided. 

"Most of those who have spoken before me 
have in a pompous and affecting manner lamented 
the situation of the state ; they have enumerated 
all the calamities of war, Jand the many distresses 
of the conquered ; virgins and youths violated ; 
children torn from the embraces of their parents ; 
matrons forced to bear the brutal insults of victo- 
rious soldiers ; temples and private houses plun- 
dered ; all places filled with flames and slaughter : 
finally, nothing but arms, carcasses, blood, and 
lamentations to be seen. 

"But, for the sake of the immortal gods, to what 
purpose were such affecting strains ? Was it to 
raise in your minds an abhorrence of the con- 
spiracy, as if he whom so daring and threatening 
a danger cannot move could be inflamed by the 
breath of eloquence ? No ; this is not the way : 
nor do injuries appear light to any one that suffers 



72 SALLUST ON THE 

them ; many stretch them beyond their due size* 
But, Conscript Fathers, different allowances are 
made to different persons : when such as live in 
obscurity are transported by passion to the com- 
mission of any offences, there are few who know 
it, their reputation and fortune being on a level : 
but those who are invested with great power are 
placed on an eminence, and their actions viewed by 
all ; and thus the least allowance is made to the 
highest dignity. There must be no partiality, no 
hatred, far less any resentment or animosity, in 
such a station. What goes by the name of pas- 
sion only in others, when seen in men of power, 
is called pride and cruelty. 

" As for me, Conscript Fathers, I look on all 
tortures as far short of what these criminals de- 
serve. But most men remember best what hap- 
pened last; and, forgetting the guilt of wicked 
men, talk only of their punishment, if more severe 
than ordinary. I am convinced that what Decius 
Silanus, brave and worthy man, said, was from 
his zeal to the state, and that he was neither biassed 
by partiality nor enmity ; such is his integrity and 
moderation, as I well know. But his proposal ap- 
pears to me not indeed cruel, (for against such 
men what can be cruel ?) but contrary to the genius 
of our government. Surely, Silanus, you were 
urged by fear, or the enormity of the treason, to 
propose a punishment quite new. How ground- 
less such fear is it is needless to show ; especially 
when, by the diligence of so able a consul, such 
powerful forces are provided for our security : and 
as to the punishment, we may say, what indeed is 
the truth, that to those who live in sorrow and 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 73 

misery, death is but a release from trouble ; that 
it is death which puts an end to all the calamities 
of men, beyond which there is no room for care 
and joy. 1 But why, in the name of the gods, did 
not you add to your proposal that they should be 
punished with stripes ? Was it because the Por- 
cian law forbids it ? 2 But there are other laws, 
too, which forbid the putting to death a condemned 
Roman, and allow him the privilege of banishment. 
Or was it because whipping is a more severe pun- 
ishment than death ? Can any thing be reckoned 
too cruel or severe against men convicted of such 
treason 1 But if stripes are a lighter punishment, 
how is it consistent to observe the law in a matter 
of small concern, and disregard it in one that is 
of greater? 

" But you will say, ' Who will find fault with any 
punishment decreed against traitors to the state V 
I answer, time may, so may sudden conjunctures ; 
and fortune too, that governs the world at pleasure. 
Whatever punishment is inflicted on these par- 
ricides will be justly inflicted. But take care, 
Conscript Fathers, how your present decrees may 
affect posterity. All bad precedents spring from 
good beginnings, but when the administration is in 
the hands of wicked or ignorant men, these prece- 



1 From the tenor of this passage many writers have been induced 
to believe that Csesar inclined to the doctrines of Epicurus ; to which 
Sallust is said to have opposed his own belief of a future state of re- 
wards and punishments. 

2 The ancient mode of inflicting capital punishment among the Ro- 
mans was, after stripping the criminal naked, to fix his head by means 
of a forked piece of wood, and in that situation to scourge him to death. 
To avoid such a barbarous punishment the Emperor Nero, who was 
condemned to suffer it, put himself to death. — The Porcian law, here 
alluded to, prohibited magistrates from punishing a citizen with death, 
and substituted in its stead banishment and confiscation of property. 

Sal.— G 



74 SALLUST ON THE 

dents, at first just, are transferred from proper and 
deserving objects to such as are not so. 

51. " The Lacedaemonians, when they had con- 
quered the Athenians, placed thirty governors over 
them ; who began their power by putting to death* 
without any trial, such as were remarkably wicked 
and universally hated. The people were highly 
pleased at this, and applauded the justice of such 
executions. But when they had by degrees estab- 
lished their lawless authority, they wantonly butch- 
ered both good and bad without distinction ; and 
thus kept the state in awe. Such was the severe 
punishment which the people, oppressed with 
slavery, suffered for their foolish joy. 

" In our own times, when Sylla, after his success, 
ordered Damasippus, and others of the like char- 
acter, who raised themselves on the misfortunes of 
the state, to be put to death, who did not commend 
Lim for it ? All agreed that such wicked and fac- 
tious instruments, who were constantly embroiling 
the commonwealth, were justly put to death. Yet 
this was an introduction to a bloody massacre : for 
whoever coveted his fellow-citizen's house, either in 
town or country, nay, even any curious vase or fine 
raiment, took care to have the possessor of it put 
on the list of the proscribed. 

" Thus they who had rejoiced at the punishment 
of Damasippus were soon after dragged to death 
themselves ; nor was an end put to this butchery 
till Sylla had glutted all his followers with riches. 
I do not indeed apprehend any such proceedings 
from M. Cicero, nor from these times. But in so 
great a city as ours there are various characters 
and dispositions. At another time, and under 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 75 

another consul, who may have an army too at his 
command, any falsehood may pass for fact ; and 
when, on this precedent, the consul shall, by a 
decree of the senate, draw the sword, who is to set 
bounds to it 1 who to moderate its fury ? 

52. "Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, never 
wanted conduct nor courage ; nor did they think it 
unworthy of them to imitate the customs of other 
nations, if they were useful and praiseworthy* 
From the Samnites they learned the exercise of 
arms, and borrowed from them their weapons of 
war ; and most of their ensigns of magistracy from 
the Tuscans : in a word, they were very eareful to 
practise whatever appeared useful to them, whether 
among their allies or their enemies ; choosing rather 
to imitate than envy what was excellent. 

" Now in those days, in imitation of the custom 
of Greece, they inflicted stripes on guilty citizens, 
and capital punishment on such as were con- 
demned: but when the commonwealth became 
great and powerful, and the vast number of citizens 
gave rise to factions ; when the innocent began to 
be circumvented, and other such inconveniences to 
take place ; then the Porcian and other laws were 
made, which provided no higher punishment than 
banishment for the greatest crimes. These con- 
siderations, Conscript Fathers, appear to me of the 
greatest weight against our pursuing any new reso- 
lution on this occasion : for surely their share of 
virtue and wisdom, who from so small beginnings 
raised so mighty an empire, far exceeds ours, who 
are scarce able to preserve what they acquired so 
gloriously. — 'What! shall we discharge the con- 
spirators,' you will say, % to reinforce Catiline's 



76 SALLUST ON THE 

army V By no means : but my opinion is this ; 
that their estates should be confiscated ; their per- 
sons closely confined in the most powerful cities 
of Italy; and that no one move the senate or the 
people for any favour towards them, under the 
penalty of being declared by the senate an enemy 
to the state and the welfare of its members." 

53. When Caesar had concluded, and the rest of 
the senators, either by words or signs, approved or 
disapproved of the several proposals made, Cato, 
being asked his opinion, delivered it in the following 
strain : 

54. " I am very differently affected, Conscript 
Fathers, when I view our present situation and the 
danger we are in, and then consider the proposals 
made by some senators who have spoken before 
me. They appear to me to have reasoned only 
about the punishment of those who have entered 
into a combination to make war on their country, 
on their parents, on religion and private property ; 
whereas our present circumstances warn us rather 
to guard against them than to consider in what 
manner we shall punish them. You may take ven- 
geance for other crimes after they are committed ; 
but if you do not prevent the commission of this, 
when it is once accomplished, in vain will you 
have recourse to the tribunals. When the city is 
once taken, no resource remains to the conquered 
citizens. 

" Now I conjure you, by the immortal gods ! you 
who have always valued your splendid palaces, 
your pictures, your statues, more than the welfare 
of the state ; if you are desirous to preserve these 
things, which, whatever their real value be, you 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 77 

are so fond of; if you would have leisure for 
pursuing your pleasures ; rouse for once out of your 
lethargy, and take on you the defence of the state. 
The debate is not about the public revenues, nor 
the oppression of our allies ; no, our liberties, our 
lives are in danger. 

" Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken in this 
assembly ; often have I complained of the luxury 
and avarice of our fellow-citizens ; on which account 
I bear the enmity of many : I, who never indulged 
myself in any vice, nor even cherished the thought 
of any, could not easily pardon the crimes of others- 
And though you little regarded my remonstrances, 
yet the commonwealth remained firm ; her native 
strength supported her even under the negligence 
of her governors. But the present debate is not 
about the goodness or depravity of our morals, nor 
about the greatness or prosperity of the Roman 
empire : no ; it is whether this empire, such as it 
is, continue our own, or, together with ourselves, 
fall a prey to the enemy. 

55. "And, ia such a case, will any one talk of 
gentleness or mercy? ^We have long since lost 
the true names of things. To give away what 
belongs to others is called generosity ; to attempt 
what is criminal, fortitude ; and thence the state is 
reduced to the brink of ruin. 1 Let them, since 
such is the fashion of the times, be generous from 
the spoils of our allies ; merciful to the plunderers 
of the treasury ; but let them not be prodigal of 



1 In this and other instances Sallust draws closely after Thucydides, 
who, in the third book of his History, makes a similar complaint against 
one of the most corrupt periods of the Grecian manners. 
G2 



78 SALLUST ON THE 

our blood, and, by sparing a few bad citizens, de- 
stroy all the good. 

"Caius Caesar has just now spoken, with great 
strength and accuracy, concerning life and death ; 
taking for fictions, I doubt not, the vulgar notions 
of an infernal world ; where the bad, separated 
from the good, are confined to dark, frightful, and 
melancholy abodes. Accordingly, his proposal is, 
that their estates be confiscated, and their persons 
confined in the corporate towns ; from an appre- 
hension, I imagine, that if they were kept at Rome 
they might be rescued by force, either by their 
fellow-conspirators, or a mercenary mob ; as if 
wicked and profligate persons were only to be found 
in this city, and not all over Italy ; or as if there 
were not more encouragement to the attempts of the 
desperate where there is least strength to resist them. 

" This, then, is an empty proposal, if he fears any 
danger from them ; but if, amid this so great and 
universal consternation, he alone is void of fear, so 
much the more does it concern me to be afraid, 
both for myself and you. 

56. " Hence, in determining the fate of Lentulus 
and the other prisoners, be assured, that you like- 
wise determine that of Catiline's army and all the 
conspirators. The more vigour and resolution you 
exert, so much the less spirit and courage will they 
have ; but if they observe the least remissness in 
your proceedings, they will presently fall on you 
with fury. 

"Do not think it was by arms our ancestors 
raised the state from so small beginnings to such 
grandeur : if so, we should have it in its highest 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 79 

lustre ; as having a greater number of allies and 
citizens, of arms and horses, than they had. But 
there were other things from which they derived 
their greatness, such as we are entirely without. 
They were industrious at home, and exercised an 
equitable government abroad ; their minds were 
free in council, neither swayed by crimes nor 
passion. Instead of these virtues, we have luxury 
and avarice ; poverty in the state, and great wealth 
in the members of it : we admire riches, and 
abandon ourselves to idleness ; we make no dis- 
tinction between the virtuous and the wicked ; and 
all the rewards of virtue are possessed by am- 
bition. Nor is it at all strange, while each of you 
pursues his separate interest; while you abandon 
yourselves to pleasure at home, and here in the 
senate are slaves to money or favour, that attacks 
are made on the state when thus forsaken. But no 
more of this. , 

" Romans of the highest quality have conspired 
to destroy their country, and are endeavouring to 
engage the Gauls, the sworn enemies of the Roman 
name, to join them. The commander of the enemy 
is hovering over us with an army, and yet at this 
very juncture you delay and hesitate how to pro- 
ceed against such of the conspirators as are seized 
within your walls. Would you extend your com- 
passion towards them ? Be it so ; they are young 
men only, and have offended through ambition : 
send them away armed too ; what would be the con- 
sequence of this gentleness and mercy ? Why 
this ; when they got arms in their hands, it would 
prove your utter ruin. 

* Our situation is indeed dangerous ; but you are 



80 SALLUST ON THE 

not afraid : yes, you are very much ; only from 
effeminacy and want of spirit, you are in suspense, 
every one waiting the motions of another ; trusting 
perhaps to the immortal gods, who have often saved 
this commonwealth in the greatest dangers. But 
assistance is not obtained from the gods by idle 
vows and supplications, like those of women; it is 
by vigilance, activity, and wise counsels that all 
undertakings succeed. If you resign yourselves 
to sloth and idleness, it will be in vain to implore 
the assistance of the gods ; you will only provoke 
them to anger, and they will make you feel your 
unworthiness. 

" In the days of our ancestors, T. Manlius Tor- 
quatus, in a war with the Gauls, ordered his son to be 
put to death for having engaged the enemy without 
orders ; and thus a young man of great hopes was 
punished for too much bravery. And do you demur 
about the doom of the most barbarous parricides ? 

" Their present offence, perhaps, is unsuitable to 
their former character : show a tender regard then 
for the dignity of Lentulus, if you find that he 
himself ever showed any for his own chastity, for 
his honour, for gods or men ; pardon Cethegus, in 
consideration of his youth, if this is not the second 
time of his making war on his country : for what 
need I mention Gabinius, Statilius, Coeparius ? who, 
if they had possessed the least degree of reflec- 
tion, would never have embarked in such wicked 
designs against the state. 

"Finally, Conscript Fathers, were there any room 
for a wrong step on this occasion, I should suffer 
you to be corrected by the consequences, since you 
disregard my reasonings. But we are surrounded 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 81 

on all sides : Catiline is hovering over our heads 
with an army ; we have enemies within the walls, 
and in the very heart of the city. No prepara- 
tions can be made, no measures taken, without 
their knowledge : hence the greater reason for 
despatch. 

" My opinion then is this : that since by a detest- 
able combination of profligate citizens the state is 
brought into the greatest danger ; since they are 
convicted, by the evidence of Volturcius, and the 
deputies of the Allobroges, and their own confes- 
sion, to have entered into a conspiracy for destroy- 
ing their fellow-citizens and native country, by 
slaughter, conflagration, and other unheard-of 
cruelties; they be put to death, according to the 
ancient usage, as being condemned by their own 
mouths.' 

57. When Cato had done speaking, all of con- 
sular dignity, and the greatest part of the senate, 
indeed, applauded his opinion ; extolled his reso- 
lution ; and reproached one another with pusil- 
lanimity. Cato was looked on as a great and illus- 
trious patriot ; and a decree passed conformable to 
his proposal. 

Now, as I have read and heard much of the 
glorious achievements of the Roman people, in war 
and peace, both by sea and land, I was very de- 
sirous to discover the cause to which they were 
principally owing. I knew that they had often, 
with a handful of men, engaged mighty armies : I 
was not ignorant, that with small forces they had 
carried on war against powerful princes ; that they 
had often supported themselves under the severe 
bufferings of adverse fortune ; that the Greeks sur- 



82 SALLTJST ON THE 

passed them in eloquence, and the Gauls in mili- 
tary glory. And having duly weighed every cause, 
I was convinced that all was owing to the great 
virtue of some particular persons ; hence it was 
that poverty triumphed over riches, and a handful 
of men prevailed over great numbers. Nay, after 
Rome became depraved by luxury and sloth, the 
commonwealth still supported herself by her native 
strength, under the ambition and intrigues of her 
magistrates and generals ; even when, like a super- 
annuated matron, she did not produce, for a long 
time, any citizen of distinguished merit. 

Two, however, I myself remember, Cato and 
Caesar, both men of great abilities, but different 
characters ; whom, as so fair an opportunity pre- 
sents itself, I would not omit to notice ; but shall 
endeavour, in the best manner I am able, to display 
the temper and manners of each. 1 

As to their extraction, years, and eloquence, they 
were nearly equal. Both of them had the same 
greatness of mind, both the same degree of glory, 
but in different ways : Caesar was celebrated for 
his great bounty and generosity : Cato for his 
unsullied integrity : the former became renowned 
by his humanity and compassion ; an austere 
severity heightened the dignity of the latter. 
Caesar acquired glory by a liberal, compassionate, 



l The idea of bringing the characters of Cato and Caesar into com- 
parison did not originate with Sallust. A few years before, A. U. 707, 
Cicero wrote " A Eulogium on Cato," in which he took an elaborate 
review of the life of that extraordinary man, in his private, his political, 
and moral character, and extolled him in the warmest terms, as having 
left no equal behind him. This tract gave rise to much controversy on 
the subject; and the names of these great men being brought into com- 
petition, in a celebrated period, their merits formed a sort of political test 
to every succeeding age of the empire. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 83 

and forgiving temper ; as did Cato by never be- 
stowing any thing. In the one the miserable 
found a sanctuary ; in the other the guilty met with 
certain destruction. Caesar was admired for an 
easy, yielding temper ; Cato for his immoveable 
firmness. Caesar, in a word, had formed himself 
for a laborious, active life ; was intent on pro- 
moting the interest of his friends, to the neglect of 
his own ; and refused to grant nothing that was 
worth accepting : what he desired for himself was, 
to have sovereign command, to be at the head of 
armies, and engaged in new wars, in order to 
display his military talents. As for Cato, his only 
study was moderation, regular conduct, and, above 
all, rigorous severity. He did not vie with the 
wealthy in riches, nor in turbulence with the 
factious ; but, taking a nobler aim, he contended 
in valour with the brave ; in modesty with the 
modest ; in integrity with the upright ; and was 
more desirous to be virtuous than appear so : so 
that the less he courted fame the more it followed 
him. 

58. When the senate had agreed to Cato's pro- 
posal, as I have already related, the consul thought 
it most expedient to put the sentence in execution 
immediately, lest any new attempt should be made 
in the night, which was just at hand ; and accord- 
ingly ordered the triumvirs to get every thing in 
readiness for it. He himself, after posting the 
guards, conducted Lentulus to prison, as the prae- 
tors did the rest. 

There is a place in the prison, after a small de- 
scent to the left, called the Tullian dungeon, sunk 
about twelve feet under ground, secured on all 



84 SALLUST ON THE 

sides with strong walls, and above with an arch of 
stone ; a dark, noisome solitude, frightful to be- 
hold. Lentulus, being thrust down into this place, 
was presently strangled by the executioners ap- 
pointed for that purpose. Such was the death of 
this noble patrician, who had borne the office of 
consul, and was descended from the most illus- 
trious family of the Cornelii ; a death due to his 
life and crimes. Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and 
Coeparius were executed in the same manner. 

59. During these transactions at Rome, Catiline, 
out of all the forces which he had carried with 
him, and those under the command of Manlius, 
formed two legions ; filled up the several cohorts 
according to the number of his men ; then distribut- 
ing equally among them all the volunteers, with 
those who were sent him by his associates, he 
soon saw his legions complete ;* though he had at 
first but two thousand men. But of these only a 
fourth part were completely armed ; the rest were 
furnished with whatever chance threw in their 
way; some had darts, some spears, and others 
sharp stakes. 

As soon as Antonius approached with his army 
Catiline betook himself to the mountains ; one 
while advancing towards Rome, another towards 
Gaul ; and by this means deprived the enemy of 



l In the time of Polybius the Roman legion consisted of four thou- 
sand two hundred men ; but under Julius Coesar, and the succeeding 
emperors, it extended to no fewer than six thousand, or six thousand 
one hundred, together with the usual complement of three hundred 
horse. Each legion was divided into ten cohorts, each cohort into three 
maniples, and each maniple into two centuries. When the century 
con&isted, as its name imports, q[ a hundred men, the complement of 
six thousand was accurately made out. According to this establish- 
ment, Catiline's forces did not exceed twelve thousand six hundred men. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 85 

aft opportunity of fighting him. He was indeed in 
daily hopes of receiving great reinforcements, if 
his accomplices executed their designs at Rome. 
In the mean time, he refused to take the slaves 
into his service, 1 who flocked to him in great 
numbers from the very beginning ; trusting to the 
strength of the conspiracy, and likewise conceiv- 
ing that it would be bad policy to appear to blend 
the cause of freemen with that of fugitive slaves. 

But when news reached the camp that the con- 
spiracy was discovered at Rome ; that Lentulus, 
Cethegus, and the rest above mentioned were put 
to death, most of those who were tempted to take 
arms by the hopes of spoil, or a passion for 
changes, presently left him. The rest he led by 
long marches over steep mountains into the terri- 
tory of Pistorium, with a design to escape into 
Cisalpine Gaul by obscure roads. 

Quintus Metellus Celer, who at that time com- 
manded three legions in the territory of Picenum, 
judged that Catiline, in his present difficulties, 
would take this very course. Accordingly, having 
learned from his deserters what route he had taken, 
lie immediately decamped, and posted himself at 
the foot of the mountains, just where Catiline was 
obliged to pass in his way to Gaul. Nor w T as 
Antonius far behind, who pursued the flying rebels 
through w r ays more level, at the head of a great 
army. When Catiline saw himself enclosed by 
the mountains and two hostile armies ; that his 



1 This was consistent with the policy of the Romans : they consid- 
ered tl:at the commonwealth could never be defended, except by men 
who felt some interest in its preservation. Slaves were therefore pro- 
hibited, under pain of death, from joining the army. 

Sal. — H 



86 SALLTJST ON THE 

designs had miscarried in the city ; that there was 
neither hope of escaping nor receiving any suc- 
cour ; he thought his best way, in such a situation, 
was to try the fortune of a battle, and determined 
to engage Antonius as soon as possible. Accord- 
ingly, assembling his troops, he spoke to them in 
the following manner : 

60. " I have learned by experience, fellow- 
soldiers, that words cannot inspire courage, nor a 
general's speech render a spiritless army brave and 
intrepid. Every man displays in battle just so 
much courage as nature or habit has given him, and 
no more. It is to no purpose to exhort him whom 
neither glory nor danger can animate ; his fear 
deprives him of his hearing. I have assembled 
you, fellow-soldiers, to instruct you in a few par- 
ticulars, and to lay before you the grounds of my 
final resolution. 

" You all know what a dreadful calamity Len- 
tulus, by his slow and spiritless conduct, has 
brought on himself and us ; and how I have been 
prevented from marching into Gaul, by waiting for 
reinforcements from Rome. In what posture our 
affairs now are you all see. 

61. " Two armies, one from Rome, another from 
Gaul, obstruct our motions. Want of provisions 
and other necessaries will not allow us to make 
any longer stay here, were we ever so desirous of 
doing it. To whatever place you think of march- 
ing, you must open yourselves a passage with your 
swords. I conjure you then to summon up all your 
courage ; to act like men resolute and undaunted ; 
to remember, when you engage, fhat you carry in 
your hands riches, honour, and glory ; nay, even 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 87 

your liberty and your country. If we overcome, 
all will be safe ; we shall have plenty of provisions ; 
the corporate towns and colonies will be all ready 
to receive us. But if we fail through fear, the 
very reverse will be our fate ; nor will any place 
or friend protect those whom arms could not. Let 
me add to this, my fellow-soldiers, that we have 
different motives to animate us from what the op- 
posite army has. We fight for our country, for 
our liberty, for our lives ; they, for no interest of 
their own, but only to support the power of a few. 
Let this consideration, then, engage you to fall on 
them the more courageously, remembering your 
former bravery. 

" We might, indeed, have passed our days, with 
the utmost infamy, in banishment: some of you 
too might have lived at Rome, depending for your 
subsistence on others, after having lost your own 
estates. But such a condition appearing infamous 
and intolerable to men of spirit, you resolved on 
the present course. If you repent of the step, it 
is necessary to remind you, that even to secure a 
retreat, the firmest valour is still indispensable. 
Peace must be procured by victory alone, not by a 
grovelling cowardice. To hope for security from 
flight, when you have turned from tfye enemy the 
arms which serve to defend you, is the height of 
madness. In battle, the most cowardly are always 
in most danger: courage is a wail of defence. 
When I consider your characters, fellow-soldiers, 
and reflect on your past achievements, I have great 
hopes of victory : your spirit, your age, your vir- 
tue encourage me ; and our necessity, too, which 
even inspires cowards with bravery : for the strait- 



88 SALLUST ON THE 

ness of our situation will prevent the enemy's 
numbers from surrounding us. But should fortune 
envy your bravery, be sure you fall not without 
taking due vengeance on the enemy ; suffer not 
yourselves to be taken and slaughtered like cattle ; 
but fight rather like men, and leave the enemy a 
bloody and mournful victory." 1 

62. Pausing a little after this speech, he ordered 
the trumpets to sound to battle ; and led down his 
forces in their ranks to the plain. 2 Then sending 
away all the horses, in order to encourage his men 
the more, by making the danger of all equal, he 
himself, on foot, drew up his army in order of 
battle, according to its number and the nature of 
the place. For as there lay a plain on his left, 
bounded by the mountains, and a steep rock on his 
right, he placed eight cohorts in his front, and the 
rest he posted in closer order to support them. 

From among these he drew out the choicest 
centurions, the honorary veterans, and the bravest 
and best armed of the common soldiers, and placed 
them in the front. He appointed Manlius to com- 
mand the right, and a native of Fsesulae 3 the left ; 
he himself, with his freedmen, and such troops as 
he had raised in the colonies, stood by the eagle ; 4 



' It would be difficult to select from any ancient historian an ad- 
dress from a general to his soldiers equal to the speech of Catiline. 
That which Tacitus gives to Galgacus, in the Life of Agricola, has been 
often extolled ; but, with the reader of taste, it will not stand the com- 
parison, either for vigour, or spirit, or perfect verisimilitude. 

2 The battle of Pistoria, which this action has been called, derived its 
name from Pistoria, now Pistoia, a considerable district and town in 
Tuscany. The latter is situated on the river Stella, about twenty miles 
north-west of Florence. 

3 This person is named Furius by Plutarch ; and Cicero makes men- 
tion of him as one of the ringleaders of the conspiracy. 

4 The Romans made use of various devices as standards, or colours ; 
the eagle only was composed of metal, often of gold or silver, and was 
worshipped by the soldiers with religious reverence. 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 89 

the same which Marius was said to have had in 
his army in the Cimbrian war. 

On the other side, Antonms, being seized by the 
gout, was unable to be present at the engagement, 
and gave the command to Marcus Petreius, his 
lieutenant-general. 

He posted the veteran cohorts, which he had 
raised on this occasion, in the front ; and the rest 
of his army behind them as a body of reserve. 
He himself rode from rank to rank, and address- 
ing himself to his men by their names, entreated 
and conjured them " to remember that they were 
now to engage against unarmed robbers in defence 
of their gods, their country, their children, and 
their property." As he was an old soldier, having 
served in the army upwards of thirty years, as 
tribune, praefect, lieutenant-general, or praetor, and 
that with distinguished renown, he knew most of 
the soldiers and their gallant actions ; and by call- 
ing these to remembrance, he roused their courage. 

63. Petreius, having taken all his measures with 
the utmost precaution, sounded to battle, and or- 
dered his cohorts to advance slowly : the enemy 
did the same. But when they were come near 
enough for the light-armed soldiers to begin the 
fight, they set up a mighty shout, rushed with 
great fury into a close engagement, and laying 
aside their darts, made use of their swords only. 
The veterans, mindful of their former bravery, 
pressed vigorously on the rebels, who made a 
bold resistance ; so that the fight was maintained 
with great obstinacy. Catiline was all the while 
in the first line, at the head of a light-armed body ; 
sustaining such as were severely pressed ; putting 
H2 



90 SALLTJST ON THE 

fresh men in the room of those who were wounded ; 
providing for every exigence ; often charging the 
enemy in person ; and performing at once the duty 
of a*brave soldier and a great commander. 

Petreius, when he found that Catiline, contrary 
to his expectations, exerted himself with great 
vigour, brought up the praetorian cohort against his 
main body, broke their ranks, and made great 
slaughter of them, as he did likewise of the others 
who maintained their ground elsewhere. Then he 
fell on both the wings at once. Maniius and the 
other officer from Faesulae were both killed, fight- 
ing in the foremost rank. Catiline, when he saw 
his forces routed, and himself left with a few only, 
mindful of his birth and former dignity, rushed 
headlong into the thickest of the enemy, where he 
fell covered with wounds, and fighting to the last. 

64. When the engagement was ended, it evi- 
dently appeared with what undaunted spirit and 
resolution Catiline's army was fired : for the body 
of every one was found on that very spot which, 
during the battle, he had occupied ; those only ex- 
cepted who were forced from their posts by the 
praetorian cohort ; and even they, though they fell 
a little out of their ranks, were all wounded before. 
Catiline himself was found far from his own men, 
amid the dead bodies of the enemy, breathing a 
little, with an air of that fierceness still in his face 
which he had when alive. Finally, in all his 
army there was not so much as one free citizen 
taken prisoner, either in the engagement or in the 
flight ; for they spared their own lives as little as 
those of the enemy. The army of the republic 
obtained the victory indeed ; but it wab neither a 



CATILINE CONSPIRACY. 91 

cheap nor a joyful one ; for their bravest men were 
either slain in battle or dangerously wounded. As 
there were many, too, who wert to view the field, 
either out of curiosity or a desire of plunder, in 
turning over the dead bodies, some found a friend, 
some a relation, and some a guest ; others there 
were likewise who discovered their enemies : so 
that through the whole army there appeared a 
mixture of gladness and sorrow, joy and mourning. 



(92) 



APPENDIX. 



As the narrative of Saltust concludes rather abruptly with the battle 
of Pistoria, it may be proper to add a few circumstances, which seem 
naturally connected with the history of the conspiracy. 

Immediately after the action, Antonius despatched messengers to 
Rome with the joyful tidings of the decisive victory that had been 
gained, and of the death of Catiline. Having ordered his head to be 
struck off, he sent it with the messengers, for the purpose of assuring 
them that nothing farther could now be dreaded from his machinations. 
A public thanksgiving was decreed by the senate. Mourning, which 
had been put on, as in cases of public calamity, was laid aside ; and 
Antonius, however undeservedly, obtained the title of Imperator by a 
public decree ; although, says Dion Cassius, the numbers of the slain 
were not such as could entitle the conqueror to that appellation. But 
this seems to be a mere fancy of Dion Cassius ; as the title of Impera- 
tor, at least during the republic, was never conferred on such grounds, 
but was the free gift of the troops, or else a compliment from the senate, 
according to the nature and importance of the victory. Appian men- 
tions, that in his time it came to be understood that no general could 
acquire that title unless ten thousand of the enemy were left dead on 
the field (Bel. Civil. 1. ii. p. 747, edit. Toll.); a prudent regulation, to 
which Dion Cassius (who wrote a hundred years after him) might 
allude ; and made probably with the intent of preventing the honour from 
being lavished on every trivial occasion. 

After the defeat and death of Catiline, although the great flame of 
rebellion was extinguished, yet some inconsiderable sparks still continued 
alive ; and they might have mounted into a blaze, had they not been ac- 
tively smothered by the friends of Cicero and of the constitution. The 
shattered remains of the rebel army began to assemble in Etruria ; and 
its petty leaders, forming their adherents into small bodies, spread them- 
selves by degrees over that country and Cisalpine Gaul. So late as the 
end of August, that is, nearly nine months after the action near Pistoria, 
one of these parties still maintained itself in the former district, under 
the command of Lucius Sergius, a relation, or, more probably, a freed- 
man of Catiline. Reliquics conjuratorum, cum L. Sergio, tumultuan- 
tur in Etruria.— Fragment. Act. Diurn. 

The Proconsul Metellus Celerhadthe charge of watching the motions 
of these banditti. He was anxious, at all events, to bring them to an 
engagement, and, if they could not be made prisoners, to extirpate them 
with the sword. In the course of the year a n umber of petty encounters 
took place, along the banks of the Po, generally disadvantageous to the 
rebel cause. Partly &y good fortune, and partly by perseverance their 



APPENDIX. 0? 

leaders at length succeeded in gaining the Alps ; where, having concen- 
trated their force, they resolved to penetrate into the country of the Allo- 
brogians, a people, as we have seen, who were but too ripe for revolt. 
Here, however, the activity of Celer again defeated theirprojects. Having 
gained information of their route, he by rapid marches, as in the affair of 
Catiline, got possession of the passes on the opposite side of the moun- 
tains, and at length succeeded in surrounding, and cutting them to pieces. 
Thus was completely crushed this far-famed conspiracy, which only 
prepared the commonwealth for fresh troubles. Beyond question, it was 
the most dangerous to the government that ever had existed, whether in? 
regard to the atrocity of its character, or the number and influence of its; 
partisans. It is true, Cicero, by his exertions, had averted this calamity; 
but he was unable to save the liberties of his country, or to restore the 
ancient manners. Since the days of the Gracchi, internal dissension, the 
evil which had silently undermined the constitution, and the inveterate 
hostilities? of the two great orders in the state, had, more than once, 
brought the commonwealth to the brink of ruin. The influence of the 
equites, who, as a third order, might have tended to maintain the political 
balance, Cicero wisely endeavoured to promote ; and, had the same judi- 
cious principle been acted on by his successors, they might have pre- 
served, or, at least, they might have prolonged, the existence of public 
liberty. As it was, even the eyes of contemporaries could discern strong 
symptoms of political decay, and that the republic was fast hastening to 
a close. Alike polished and corrupted, it exhibited only the shadow of its 
former vigour ; all the licentiousness, without the security, of a free con- 
stitution. With outward splendour, there was, as Saliust says, " rotten- 
ness at the heart." It was too feebie and degenerate to struggle for the 
continuance of freedom, but yet too proud to submit to the name of servi- 
tude. The intermediate state which followed was naturally to be 
expected ; namely, the despotism of a few ; perhaps, of all others, the 
least favourable to either public or private happiness : but it broke what 
yet remained of the spirit of ancient independence, and paved the way 
for the ascendency of a single ruler. 



( 
HISTORY 

OF THE 

WAR AGAINST JUGURTHA. 



(97) 



ARGUMENT. 



Sect. 1-4. Introduction— 5. Previous sketch of Numidian history— 0. 
Hopeful character of Jugurtha.; jealousy and suspicion entertained 
by his uncle— 7. He is sent to Numantia ; his popularity in the Roman 
army — 8. Memorable advice of Scipio Africanus— 9. Jugurtha is 
adopted by his uncle Micipsa, and associated in the succession to the 
crown— 10. Address of the old king to his sons on his death-bed — 11. 
Death of Micipsa; differences between the young princes — 12. Ju- 
gurtha attacks and assassinates Hiempsal — 13. Rupture between 
Jugurtha and Adherbal ; defeat of the latter, and his escape to Rome — 
14-17. Speech of Adherbal in the Roman senate— 18. Shameless 
venality of the nobles ; success of Jugurtha's intrigues ; character of 
iEmilius Scaurus — 19. Commissioners appointed to divide Numidia 
between the princes ; corrupt conduct of Opimius — 20-22. Description 
and colonization of Africa; Libyans and Gaetuli; Medes, Persians, 
and Armenians ; Numidians; Mauri; Phoenicians; Carthage; iEthi- 
opia ; division of Africa at the time of the Jugurthine war— 23-24. 
Jugurtha invades Adherbal's territories ; siege of Cirta — 25. Three 
deputies despatched .to Africa; pressing application of Adherbal to 
Rome —20. His letter to the senate— 27. Fresh deputies sent to Jugurtha 
with Scaurus at their head— 28. Capitulation of Cirta, and death of 
Adherbal — 29. Declaration of war against Jugurtha ; the command 
given to Calpurnius Bestia — 30. Ultimate failure of Jugurtha's in- 
trigues; character of the consul Calpurnius — 31. Calpurnius and 
Scaurus both bribed by Jugurtha ; mock surrender of that prince — 32. 
Notoriety and unpopularity of the Numidian business at Rome ; con- 
sternation of the senate — 33-36. Inflammatory speech of Memmius to 
the people — 37. Cassius sets out to bring Jugurtha to Rome; utter 
corruption of the African army — 38. Jugurtha summoned to appear 
before the people ; specimen of the intrigues of popular magistrates— 
39. He assassinates Massiva, and is forced to quit Italy — 40. Renewal 
of the war; ill success of the consul Albinus — 41. Great disturbances 
at Rome; siege of Suthul, under Aulus— 42. Inexperience of the lieu- 
tenant; defeat and disgrace of the Roman army— 43. The senate 
refuses to ratify tae treaty made by Aulus ; Albinus departs for Africa — 

44. Mamilian law, or inquiry into the corrupt conduct of the nobles — 

45. 46. Rise of the patrician and popular factions at Rome ; fate and 
temper of the Gracchi — 47. 48. The consul Metellus sets out to take the 
command in Africa ; deplorable condition of the army in that continent^ 
— 49. His exertions to restore the ancient discipline— 50. Jugurtha 
inclined to surrender to the Romans ; address and vigour of the con- 
sul — 51. Occupation of Vacca— 52. 53. Plan of Jugurtha to attack the 
Romans on their march; nature of the country ; his stratagem to effect 
Lis purpose— 54. 55. Obstinate engagement near the Muthul— 56. 57. 

Sal.— I 



98 ARGUMENT. 

Extraordinary efforts of both commanders ; defeat of Bomilcar by 
Rutilius— 58. Unsubdued spirit of the Numidian king ; progress of 
Metellus in reducing the country— 59. His fame and popularity at 
Rome ; public thanksgiving voted by the senate ; inexhaustible re- 
sources and stratagems of Jugurtha — 60. Siege of Zama ; Jugurtha 
contrives to throw reinforcements into the place ; he attacks Marius 
at Sicca— 61-64. Obstinacy of the siege ; skilful diversion made by 
Jugurtha, and surprise of the Roman camp — 65. Metellus raises the 
siege of Zama; he marches into winter-quarters; gains over to his 
interest Bomilcar, Jugurtha's confidant — 66. Jugurtha offers to sur- 
render at discretion ; his sudden doubts and fears ; renewal of the 
war— 67. Aspiring views of Marius ; genius and character of the 
mah--68. 69. Rise of his animosity towards Metellus; his intrigue's to 
supplant the consul — 70. 71. The Vaccensians treacherously surprise 
and massacre the Roman garrison ; plan of Metellus to recover the 
town — 72. Success of the enterprise, and punishment of the Roman 
governor — 73. Conspiracy of Bomilcar and Nabdalsa to betray the 
king— 74. 75. Miscarriage of the plot; unceasing apprehensions and 
misery of Jugurtha — 76. Marius sets out for Rome; prodigious effect 
of his intrigues ; he obtains the consulship, and the command of the 
African army — 77. Second campaign of Metellus ; Jugurtha's desperate 
Circumstances ; sudden encounter with the Roman troops — 78. Flight 
of the king to Thala ; strength and situation of that place ; the pro- 
consul's expedition against it — 79. Siege and capture of Thala ; despair 
and fate of the deserters ; deputation from Leptis to the Roman gene- 
ral — 80. Account of Leptis ; its situation between the Syrtes — 81. 
Story of the Philaeni — 82. Jugurtha trains the Gaetnli to arms ; he 
enters into an alliance with Bocchus, king of Mauritania— 83. Jugur- 
tha's artful management ; the confederate kings march against Cirta— • 
84. 85. Negotiation between Metellus and the Mauri tanian king— 86. 
Consulship of Marius ; he prepares for his Numidiau expedition ; his 
hatred to the nobles, and extraordinary popularity— 87-90. His speech 
to the people — 91. He completes his levies, and sets sail for Africa; 
sudden departure of Metellus from that continent— 92. Opening of the 
campaign in Numidia — 93. Flattering reception of Metellus at Rome; 
operations of Marius against the confederates— 94. Bold expedition to 
get possession of Capsa ; description of the place — 95. 96. Successful 
stratagem of the consul to surprise and destroy it — 97. Conquest of the 
rest of Numidia ; Marius lays siege to a fort near theMulucha; its 
singular strength and situation— 98. Boldness and enterprise of a Li- 
gurian soldier— 99. Success of the attempt, and storm of the fort — 100. 

101. Sylla arrives at the camp in Africa ; his genius and character — 

102. Unexpected attack made by the confederate kings ; confusion and 
uncertainty of the battle— 103. Marius's firmness, and skilful retreat — 
104. Nocturnal attack, and storm of the Barbarian camp — 105. The 
consul marches towards the coast ; his singular vigilance, and the 
admirable discipline maintained by him in the army— 106. 107. Battle 
of Cirta; total defeat of the confederate forces — 108. Bocchus has 
recourse to negotiation; his conference with Sylla and Manlius— 109. 

• Sylla's address to the Mauritanian king— 110. Bocchus doubts and 
wavers; he at length sends ambassadors to Rome — 111. Kindness of 
Sylla to the Maurish deputies — 112. Marius summons a council; 
arrival of the deputies at Rome ; answer to their application by the 
senate — 113. Sylla, at the instance of Bocchus, goes into Mauritania; 
his meeting with Vol ux— 114. Unexpected appearance of Jugurtha; 



ARGUMENT. 99 

the prince unjustly accused of treachery— 115. The quaestor's firmness 
and presence of mind ; he arrives at the court of Bocchus — 116. He 
opens the negotiation with the king-- 117. Formal, but ineffectual con- 
ference; private interview with Bocchus during the night — 118. His 
speech to Sylla — 119. Sylla requires that Jugurtha be delivered up to 
him; doubts and scruples of Bocchus — 120. Jugurtha's counter-ma- 
chination to circumvent the quaestor — 121. Bocchus's agitation, and 
inward struggles ; he decides in favour of the Romans ; Jugurtha 
seized, and carried prisoner to Marius — 122. Marius returns to Rome ; 
he obtains the consulship, for the second time, and triumphs for hi/a 
Numidian victories, 



THE WAR AGAINST JUGURTHA. 



Sect. 1. It Is an unjust complaint that man- 
kind have made of their nature, as being frail and 
of short duration, and governed more by chance 
than by virtue : for, on the contrary, you will find 
nothing, on reflection, greater or more .excellent ; 
and that men want industry more than time or 
abilities. 

The director and governor of human life is the 
soul ; which when it pursues glory in the paths of 
virtue is abundantly prevalent, nay, even crowned 
with renown, and stands in no need of the aids of 
fortune, which can neither bestow nor take away 
probity, industry, or any worthy quality. But 
when the soul becomes enslaved to ignoble pas- 
sions, and, abandoning itself to indolence and 
sensual pleasure, has, by a course of licentiousness, 
lost in sloth its vigour, time, and abilities, the frailty 
of nature is blamed : for it is usual with men to 
blame the course of things for the evils they bring 
on themselves : whereas, would they but engage in 
virtuous pursuits with the same ardour and spirit as 
they do in such as are uninteresting, nay, and dan- 
gerous too, they would no more be governed by 
fortune, than fortune by them ; they would even 
arrive at such sublime heights of grandeur, as from 
being mortals, to become immortal through glory. 
12 



102 SALLTJST ON THE 

2. For, as man is compounded of soul and body, 
so all our actions and all our pursuits partake of 
the one or the other. Accordingly, beauty, great 
wealth, strength of body, and other things of the 
like nature are of short duration ; but the noble 
productions of the soul are, like itself, immortal. 
Moreover, the good things of the body, and of 
fortune as they have a beginning, so they have a 
period ; and all things indeed that rise and increase, 
fall and decay. But the soul is incorruptible and 
immortal ; the governor of human kind ; which 
animates and comprehends all things, but is com- 
prehended by nothing itself. So that the depravity 
of those is the more surprising, who, sunk in sen- 
suality, spend their lives in luxury and idleness, 
and suffer their minds, the noblest and most refined 
part of their frame, to lie uncultivated, and languish 
in indolence ; especially since there are so many 
and such various accomplishments by which the 
mind may acquire the highest renown. 

3. Magistracy and high command, though 
among the number of such pursuits, yet do not ap- 
pear to me to be at all desirable at this conjuncture, 
nor indeed any share in the administration ; since 
honours are neither bestowed on the virtuous, nor 
are they who obtain authority by infamous means 
the more secure or the more honourable for en- 
joying it. To govern your country and kindred by 
force, though you may have it in your power, and 
may even rectify abuses, is, however, a dangerous 
situation ; especially since all innovations in a 
state threaten slaughter, banishment, and all the 
miseries of war. To strive for power to no pur- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 103 

pose, and to reap nothing by continual fatigue but 
public odium, is extreme madness ; unless we 
imagine any one to be possessed of so base and 
pernicious a spirit as to sacrifice his honour and 
liberty to the power of a few. 

4. Among the different ways of employing men's 
abilities, that of writing history is of eminent use ; 
but I shall say nothing of its excellence, because 
many have already shown it ; and lest I should be 
charged with vanity for extolling what I am myself 
engaged in. There are some, however, I doubt 
not, who, because I have resolved to pass my days 
at a distance from any share in the management 
of public affairs, will be ready to call this my under- 
taking, however great and useful in itself, an 
indolent amusement : this at leasPwill be the lan- 
guage of such who think the task of saluting the 
people by their names, and courting their favour by 
feasts, the greatest of all. 

But if these men will only consider at what 
times I was promoted in the state ; the dignity of 
those who were then unsuccessful in their pursuit 
of employment; and what sort of men have since 
go into the senate ; they will certainly allow that 
I altered my sentiments on just grounds, and not 
from indolence ; and that the state will reap more 
benefit by my retiring from business, than by the 
caballings of others Hfor I have often heard that 
Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio, with other 
great men of our state, were wont to say, that on 
beholding the images of their ancestors their minds 
were powerfully animated to virtue. Not that the 
wax or the figure made so strong an impression on 
their minds ; it was only the recollection of the 



104 SALLUST ON THE 

glorious achievements of their forefathers that ex- 
cited that generous flame in the breasts of those 
brave men, which they could never extinguish, till 
they had attained the like degree of glory and repu- 
tation. 

How different are the manners of the present 
age ; in which there is not a man to be found who 
vies with his ancestors in probity and industry, 
but only in riches and extravagance ! Nay, even 
persons of obscure birth, who were formerly 
wont to anticipate nobility by their virtuous deeds, 
aspire now after places of honour and power by 
secret contrivances, and money got by injustice and 
violence, rather than by worthy accomplishments ; 
as if the prsetorship, consulship, and all the other 
dignities conferral glory and renown of themselves, 
and did not owe their estimation to the good beha- 
viour of such as are vested with them. But I have 
been carried too far, and taken too much freedom, 
from my concern for the depravity of the state. 
Now I come to my purpose. 

5. The history of the war which the Roman 
people carried on with Jugurtha, king of Numidia, 1 
is the subject of which I have made choice ; be- 
cause, in the first place, the war was a terrible and 
obstinate one, and the success long uncertain ; and 
likewise because a check was then given, for the 
first time, to the exorbitant |jjjde °f tne nobility : a 
contention which confoundecTall things, divine and 
human ; and was carried to such a height of mad- 
ness and fury that it ended in a civil war and the 

i Numidia, according to Sallust, seems to correspond with the modern 
Kingdom of Algiers : none of the descriptions of this country given 
fey ancient geographers convey an accurate idea of it. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 105 

desolation of Italy. 1 But before I enter on this 
task I shall trace certain occurrences of an earlier 
date, that what follows may appear in a clearer and 
stronger light. 

During the second Punic war, in which Han- 
nibal, the Carthaginian general, reduced the power 
of Italy more than had ever been done since the 
Roman name became formidable, Masinissa, 2 king 
of the Numidians, being received into the Roman 
friendship by P. Scipio, afterward surnamed Africa- 
nus, on account of his gallant achievements, per- 
formed many and glorious exploits : in considera- 
tion of which, when the Carthaginians were over- 
come, and Syphax taken, who had an extensive and 
powerful kingdom in Africa, all the cities and lands 
that had been wrested from him were given to 
Masinissa by the Roman people. This prince con^ 
tinued a faithful and useful ally to us till death put 
an end to his reign : on which his son Micipsa suc- 
ceeded alone to the kingdom, his brothers Ma- 
nastabal and Gulussa dying some time before. 
Micipsa had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal ; 
but kept at his court, and educated with the same 
care as his own children, the son of his brother 
Manastabal, called Jugurtha, whom Masinissa 
had left in a private condition, because he was born 
of a concubine. 3 

6. This youth, when he grew up, with all the 

1 The historian here alludes to the cruel wars between Marius and 
Sylla. 

2 This prince was eminent for his pacific as well as warlike virtues. 
Before his time, agriculture and the arts were almost unknown in Nu- 
midia. 

3 Jugurtha, it is probable, was born in the year of Rome 595, two 
years before the birth of Caius Marius not long before the commence- 
ment of the third Punic war. 



106 SALLUST ON THE 

advantages of strength of body, a graceful person, 
and, above all, a fine genius, did not suffer himself 
to be carried away with luxury and idleness ; but, 
agreeably to the manners of the nation, accustomed 
himself to ride, to throw the dart, to contend with 
his companions in running; and though he sur- 
passed all in glory, he was still beloved by all. 
Besides, he spent much time in the chase ; and 
was always the first, or among the first, in wounding 
the lion, and other wild beasts ; and though he per- 
formed many brave deeds, he never boasted of 
himself. Micipsa was at first highly pleased with 
this ; thinking that the bravery of Jugurtha would 
reflect glory on his reign : but when he considered 
that he himself was now grown old, that his chil- 
dren were very young, and that Jugurtha was in 
Jhe prime of life, and growing daily in reputation, 
he was deeply affected, and his mind distracted 
with perplexing thoughts. The consideration of 
the ambitious nature of man, and his impetuosity in 
gratifying his desires, alarmed him, no less than 
the favourable opportunity arising from his own 
age and that of his children, which was a tempta- 
tion strong enough to transport even men of mode- 
rate views ; and the great affection of the Numi- 
dians for Jugurtha made him apprehensive, that 
should he destroy him by artifice, it might occasion 
an insurrection or a civil war. 

7. Thus beset with difficulties, and finding that 
it was not possible for him to destroy so popular a 
man, either by force or fraud, he resolved to expose 
him to the dangers of war, as he was of a daring 
disposition, and fond of military glory, and thus try 
what fortune would do. Accordingly, Micipsa, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 107 

who was engaged to despatch auxiliaries of horse 
and foot to the Romans, then laying siege to Nu- 
mantia, sent him to Spain as their commander, 1 in 
the hope that he would be cut off, either from an 
ostentation of his courage, .or the efforts of the 
enemy. But his secret expectations were in this 
respect wholly disappointed. Jugurtha, who had 
great vivacity and penetration no sooner became 
acquainted with the temper of P. Scipio, the Roman 
general, and the character of the enemy, than he 
acquired such high renown, by his great labour and 
application, by his submissive obedience to orders, 
and by exposing himself often to dangers, that he 
was extremely beloved by our men, and dreaded by 
the Numantians. He was, indeed, both brave in 
action and wise in council ; qualities very seldom 
united in the same person ; precaution being gene- 
rally accompanied with fear, and courage with 
rashness. 

Accordingly, Scipio employed Jugurtha to put 
all his most difficult enterprises in execution, took 
him into the number of his intimate friends, and 
daily loaded him with marks of favour, as one who 
succeeded in all his schemes and undertakings. 
To these advantages were added great generosity 
and address ; by which means he had contracted 
an intimate friendship with many of the Romans* 

8. There were many at that time in our army* 
some of high rank, others newly raised, who pre- 
ferred riches to virtue and honour ; men of factious 
dispositions, of great power at Rome, and more 

1 The siege of Numantia, the chief city of the Celtiberians, was one 
of the most memorable recorded in Roman history. Polybius and 
Strabo make its duration nearly twenty years. 



108 SALLUST ON THE 

distinguished among our allies by their figure than 
their honesty. These inflamed the mind of Ju- 
gurtha (of itself ambitious enough), by assuring 
him, " that when Micipsa died, he alone would have 
the kingdom of Numidia ; as he was a person of 
such distinguished merit, and all things venal at 
Rome." 

On the destruction of Numantia, when Scipio 
had determined to dismiss the auxiliaries and return 
home himself, having bestowed great presents and 
high encomiums on Jugurtha in the presence of the 
whole army, he brought him into his tent ; and 
there advised him in private " to court the friendship 
of the Roman people in a public rather than private 
way, and not to bestow bribes on any ; that it was 
dangerous to purchase from a few what belonged to 
all. If he would but continue in his virtuous 
practices, that glory and sovereignty would in time 
conduct him to the possession of supreme rank ; 
but, if he hurried on precipitately, and hastened to 
rise through the avarice and profligacy of mankind, 
the gold in which he might confide would prove 
his ruin." 

9. Having given him this advice, he dismissed 
him with the following letter to Micipsa : — u Your 
nephew Jugurtha has highly distinguished himself 
during the siege of Numantia ; which, I am sure, 
will give you great joy. His great merit has made 
him dear to me ; and I shall use my endeavours 
that he be so to the senate and people of Rome. I 
congratulate you, indeed, on this occasion, as my 
friend; for in him you have a man worthy of 
yourself, and of his grandfather Masinissa." 

The king, finding what he had learned from 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 109 

3ommon fame confirmed by Scipio's letter, was so 
ouched with the merit and interest of his nephew, 
*hat he altered his purposes, and endeavoured to 
gain him by favours. Accordingly, he immediately 
adopted him, and, by his will, made him joint-heir 
with his sons to the kingdom. A few years after, 
being worn out with age and infirmities, and finding 
that the period of his life was approaching, he is 
said to have addressed himself to Jugurtha, in the 
presence of his friends and relations, as also of 
Adherbal and Hiempsal, to this purpose :~ 

10. "I took thee, Jugurtha, when a fatherless 
infant, and without prospects or fortune, under my 
own care, as I promised myself that my favours 
would render me as dear to you as if I had been 
your father. Nor have I indeed been disappointed : 
for, not to mention your other great and noble 
achievements, your late behaviour at Numantia 
reflects honour on me and my kingdom. By your 
gallant behaviour you have united us to the 
Romans in closer ties of friendship than before, 
and revived the honour of our family in Spain. In 
a word (what is the most difficult thing among 
men,) you have even overcome envy itself by glory. 
Now, as nature is putting a period to my days, I 
beseech and adjure you, by this right hand and the 
honour of a prince, to embrace with a tender and 
affectionate regard these my sons, near relations 
by birth, brethren by my generosity; and not to 
prefer the friendship of strangers to that of persons 
united to you by blood. 

"It is not troops, nor treasures, that are the 
support of a kingdom, but friends ; whom you can 
neither acquire by force, nor purchase with money : 

Sal.— K 



110 SALLUST ON THE 

they are only to be procured by good offices and 
fidelity* Now, who should be more closely united 
in friendship than brothers ? or what stranger will 
be found faithful to him who is an enemy to his own 
relations \ I leave you a kingdom strong, indeed? 
if you are virtuous and agree ; but weak, if you 
are wicked and at variance with one, another. For 
by union small states flourish, while the greatest 
are destroyed by divisions. 

"Now, it is more incumbent on you, Jugurtha, 
as surpassing your brethren in age andwisdomj to 
take care that no dissensions arise ; for in all 
contests, the most powerful, even though he receive 
an injury, is still thought to have been the aggressor. 
As for you, Adherbal and Hiempsal, observe and 
reverence this worthy man ; imitate his bravery ; 
and let it never be said that Micipsa was happier 
in his adopted offspring than in his own." 

11. Jugurtha, though sensible of the king's in- 
sincerity, disguised the sentiments of his heart, and 
made a very dutiful reply, suitable to the occasion. 
Micipsa died in a few days ; and after his funeral 
was celebrated with royal magnificence by the 
young princes, they met together to regulate their 
affairs. 1 

Hiempsal, the youngest of them, who was natu- 
rally violent, and had been accustomed to treat 
Jugurtha with contempt, on account of his ignoble 
birth by his mother's side, seated himself at Ad- 
herbal's right hand, to prevent Jugurtha's sitting in 
the middle, the most honourable place among the 
Numidians : and though he was prevailed on, 

i Micipsa died at Cirta, A. XL C. 635, after having reigned thirty years. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 1 1 1 

by the importunity of his brother, to yield to supe- 
rior age, and go to the farther side, yet it was 
with reluctance. At this interview, after much 
reasoning about the administration of affairs, Ju- 
gurtha proposed, among other things, to repeal 
all the ordinances and regulations of Micipsa for 
the last five years of his life ; as he was worn out 
with age, and the vigour of his faculties lost. 
Heimpsal replied, " that he was entirely of the same 
opinion; since Jugurtha had been made partner of 
the kingdom by adoption only within three years." 
i This expression sunk deeper in Jugurtha's mind 
than was imagined : distracted with rage and fear, 
he was eagerly bent on the destruction of Hiemp- 
sal, and continually meditating by what secret 
means to effect it. But these operating too slowly 
for the violence of his resentment, which was not 
in the least abated, he determined to execute his 
design at any rate. 

12. At the first meeting of the princes, already 
mentioned, it was agreed, that to prevent mutual 
disputes, the public treasure should be divided, and 
the kingdom too, with the portion of each marked 
out by distinct boundaries ; and certain times were 
appointed for both those purposes, but first for the 
distribution of the money. 

In the mean time the young princes retired to 
different places adjacent to where the treasure lay: 
Hiempsal, particularly, to Thermida, where he hap- 
pened to lodge in the house of one who w T as Ju- 
gurtha's principal lictor, and had always been his 
favourite and confidant. Fortune presenting Ju- 
gurtha with so fit an instrument, he loaded him 
with promises, and prevailed on him to go, under 



112 SALLUST ON THE 

pretence of seeing his house, and provide himself 
with false keys to the gates, as the real ones were 
delivered to Hiempsal ; assuring him, that when 
matters were ready, he himself would appear with 
a considerable body of men. 

The Numidian soon executed his orders, and in 
troduced Jugurtha's soldiers by night, agreeably tc 
his instructions ; who, as soon as they entered the 
house, went different ways in quest of the prince •• 
put to death all they found asleep, and all such as 
they met ; searched every private apartment ; broke 
open such as were closed ; and filled the whole 
house with confusion and horror. Meanwhile 
Hiempsal was discovered concealing himself in a 
mean apartment belonging to a maid-servant, to 
which he had fled on the first alarm, being unac- 
quainted with the house. The Numidians, accord- 
ing to their instructions, carried his head to Ju- 
gurtha. 1 

13. The news of, so horrible a murder soon 
spread over all Africa. Adherbal and all of those 
who had been subject to Micipsa, were seized with 
terror : the Numidians divided into two parties ; 
the greater number declared for Adherbal, but the 
best soldiers for Jugurtha ; who immediately raised 
as great an army as possible, reduced several cities 
by force under his obedience, induced others to 
submit to him, ^nd grasped at nothing less than the 
dominion of all Numidia. Adherbal, though he had 
despatched ambassadors to Rome, to inform the 
senate of the murder of his brother and his own 



l Livy, in his account of the death of Hiempsal, states that Jugurtr 
made war against the young prince, and, having conquered and take"! 
him prisoner", ordered him to be put to deatlk 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 113 

doubtful situation, yet, depending on the number of 
his men, resolved to hazard a battle ; but being de- 
feated in the onset, he made his escape to Rome. 

Jugurtha, having thus executed his designs, and 
made himself master of all Numidia, soon began to 
reflect on his enormous crimes ; and, dreading the 
vengeance of the Romans, had no hopes of security 
against their resentment but in the avarice of the 
nobility, and in the efficacy of his treasures. He 
therefore sent ambassadors to Rome, in a few days, 
with great store of gold and silver ; and ordered 
them first to load his old friends with presents, then 
to make new ones : in a word, to spare no money 
for bringing over to his interest as many as pos- 
sible. 

When the ambassadors arrived at Rome, and, 
according to the king's instructions, had sent large 
presents to his friends and others of great interest 
in the senate ; so great a change happened, that 
Jugurtha, who was before held in detestation, rose 
on a sudden into mighty favour with the nobility ; 
many of whom, being gained over by bribes, and 
others hoping to share them, used all their interest 
with the senators, to prevent any rigorous resolu- 
tion against him. When the ambassadors thought 
their cause was safe, a day was fixed for the senate 
to give audience to both parties ; on which occa- 
sion, it is said that Adherbal spoke in the following 
manner : 

14. "My father, Micipsa, Conscript Fathers, in 
his dying moments enjoined that I should look on 
myself as having the administration of the kingdom 
of Numidia only, the right and sovereignty being 
vested in vou ; and likewise commanded me to 
K2 



114 SALLTJST ON THE 

endeavour to be as serviceable to the Roman people 
as possible, both in war and peace ; to esteem you 
as my kindred and relations ; adding, if I did so, I 
should find in your friendship forces, riches, witl. 
every necessary support to my kingdom. When ] 
was anxious to adopt these injunctions of my dying 
father, Jugurtha, the most wicked and abandoned 
of mankind, in open contempt of your authority, 
stripped me, the grandson of Masinissa, the heredi- 
tary friend and ally of the Roman people, of all my 
possessions, and drove me from my kingdom. 

" Reduced to so wretched a condition, Conscript 
Fathers, would that I could implore your aid rather 
on account of my own services than those of my 
ancestors ! above all, that I could have merited the 
gratitude of Rome, without wanting her protection ; 
or, if I did, that I could have received it as my due ! 
As innocence of itself is but a weak defence, and 
as it was not in my power to form the heart of 
Jugurtha, I appeal to you for protection, Conscript 
Fathers, to whom I am forced to be a burden before 
I have rendered service, which is my greatest mis- 
fortune. Other kings have been either conquered 
by you, and then received into your alliance * or in 
their distress have implored your friendship ; our 
family commenced an alliance with the republic 
during the war with Carthage, at a time when Ro- 
man honour was more to be regarded than Roman 
fortune. 

15. "Do not suffer me, Conscript Fathers, de- 
scended from that family, and the grandson of Masi- 
nissa, to implore your aid in vain. If I had nothing 
to plead in order to obtain it but my wretched con- 
dition ; that I, who was but lately a prince, of high 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 115 

descent, of signal renown, and great power, am now 
reduced by complicated misery, destitute and for- 
lorn, and dependent on others for succour; — it 
would still become the dignity of the Roman peo- 
ple to protect me from oppression, and not to suffer 
any man to enlarge his territories by iniquity. But 
I have been forced from those very possessions 
which the Roman people gave my ancestors, and 
from whence my father and grandfather, in con- 
junction with you, drove Syphax and the Carthagi- 
nians. It is your bounty, Conscript Fathers, that is 
torn from me ; and in the injuries done to me you 
are insulted. 

"Alas! miserable man that I am ! Are these 
the fruits of thy generosity, O my father ! that he 
whom thou didst adopt, he whom thou hast left 
joint-heir to thy kingdom with thy own sons, should, 
of all others, be the instrument to extirpate thy 
race ? Shall our family never find quiet 1 Must 
ours be ever a bloody lot 1 Must the devouring 
sword and banishment be always our portion I 

"While the Carthaginians continued in power, 
no wonder we were exposed to all manner of calami- 
ties. Our enemies were at our doors, you our 
friends were afar off; and our only resource was 
in our arms. When Africa was freed from that 
plague, we enjoyed the sweets of peace, having no 
enemies, unless you commanded us to treat any as 
such ; when, on a sudden, Jugurtha, with insup- 
portable audaciousness, glorying in his pride and 
cruelty, effected the murder of my brother, his own 
near relation, and seized his kingdom as the reward 
of his crime : then, finding that he could not de- 



116 SALLUST ON THE 

stroy me by the same wicked snares, he fell on 
me with open force, at a time when, trusting to 
your power, I expected neither war nor violence; 
drove me from my country and my home, and 
reduced me to the wretched condition in which I 
now appear before you — destitute of every thing, 
and so oppressed with misery, that I am safer any 
where than in my own kingdom. 

16. "I have often, Conscript Fathers, heard my 
father say, and I was myself of the same opinion, 
that whoever set themselves carefully to cultivate 
friendship with you, were engaged indeed in an 
arduous undertaking, but were of all others the 
most secure. Our family has done all that was in 
their power for you ; they have assisted you in all 
your wars : it is in your power, Conscript Fathers, 
now that you enjoy peace, to place us in a state of 
security. My father left behind him but two sons ; 
and by adopting Jugurtha for a third thought to 
engage him in the closest union with us. One of 
the three is already murdered ; and it was with diffi- 
culty I escaped from the bloody hands of the other. 
"What course shall I pursue? Whither shall I 
turn me, miserable man that I am ? All the sup- 
ports of my family are cut off. My father, through 
age, yielded to the lot of human nature ; Jugurtha, 
trampling on every tie of nature and gratitude, im- 
brued his wicked hands in the blood of my brother. 
My other friends and relations, wherever he took 
them, he has destroyed by a variety of cruel deaths : 
some he has crucified ; others he has thrown to 
wild beasts ; those few whose lives he has spared 
are imprisoned in gloomy dungeons, there to lead 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 117 

a life more insupportable than death, in sorrow and 
anguish. 

" Were I still in possession of all that I have 
lost; were my circumstances, which are now so 
wretched, as flourishing as formerly, and those 
persons who are now my enemies my friends as 
before ; I should yet apply to you, Conscript Fathers, 
for succour, in case of any sudden calamity be- 
falling me ; to you, whom it becomes, on account 
of your great power and dominion, to maintain 
equity and prevent injustice every where. But 
now that I am banished from my country, from my 
home, forsaken by all, destitute of every thing suit- 
able to my rank, to whom shall I go, to whom shall 
I apply for aid 1 Shall I apply to such nations and 
princes as are all the avowed enemies of our family, 
on account of our friendship with you ? Have I 
any place to go to where there are not monuments 
of Numidian hostility, committed by my ancestors 
on your account ? Or can any one who has ever 
been your enemy have compassion on me ? 

17. "We were, moreover, taught by Masinissa 
never to cultivate friendship with any but the Ro- 
man people ; to enter into no other engagements ; 
to make no other alliances ; that in your friendship 
we should find abundant security ; and if your em- 
pire should fall by a change of fortune, we too must 
be involved in the same ruin. By your own 
bravery and the favour of the gods, you are still 
great and mighty ; all your undertakings are 
crowned with success, and every thing yields to 
your power ; so that you can the more easily re- 
dress the grievances of your allies. One thing 
only I am afraid of; lest the favour of some per- 



118 SALLUST ON THE 

sons here for Jugurtha, whom they little know, 
should give a wrong bias to their minds : such, I 
hear, are making their utmost efforts in his behalf; 
and importuning particular senators not to come to 
any resolution against him, in his absence, without 
hearing his defence ; alleging that my grievances 
are all pretended, and that I was under no neces- 
sity of flying, but might have continued with safety 
in my own kingdom. 

** O that I could but see him by whose enormous 
cruelty I am reduced to this degree of wretched- 
ness, practising such simulation ! and that either 
you or the immortal gods would, for once, take 
human affairs under your care ; that he who now 
boasts and triumphs in his crimes, may atone by 
extreme tortures for his monstrous ingratitude to 
my father, the murder of my brother, and the evils 
he has made me suffer ! 

" And now, O my dearest brother ! though thou 
wast cut off in the flower of thy days, by the hands 
of one who of all men should have been the last to 
have done it ; yet I think thy fate rather matter of 
joy than of grief ; for by thy fall thou didst not so 
much lose thy kingdom, as escape the hardships 
of flight, banishment, poverty, and all the calami- 
ties which oppress me. But I, wretched and for- 
lorn, driven from the throne of my ancestors into 
an abyss of misery, afford a rueful spectacle of the 
uncertainty of human affairs ; know not what course 
to take — whether I shall revenge thy wrongs, while 
I myself stand in need of assistance ; or whether I 
shall attempt the recovery of my kingdom, when 
my death or life depends on the power of others. 
I could wish it were honourable to put an end to 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 119 

my misery by a voluntary death ; to prevent that 
infamy which must necessarily fall on me, if, sink- 
ing under the weight of my afflictions, I should 
tamely submit to injustice. — Now, as I have no in- 
clination to live, and yet cannot die but with dis- 
honour, I adjure you, Conscript Fathers, by your- 
selves, by your children and parents, by the majesty 
of the Roman people, succour me in my distress, 
curb haughty oppression, and suffer not the king- 
dom of Numidia, which is your own, to fall a prey 
to a usurper, and to be stained with the blood of 
our family." 1 

18. When the king had thus concluded, the 
deputies from Jugurtha, trusting more to the influ- 
ence of their gold than the justice of their cause, 
made a short reply : " That Hiempsal had been 
put to death by the Numidians for his cruelty ; that 
Adherbal, after he had made war without provoca- 
tion, and was defeated, complained that he could 
not execute his schemes of oppression ; that Ju- 
gurtha begged of the senate not to believe him 
changed from what they had known him at Nu- 
mantia, nor to regard the words of an enemy more 
than his own actions." Then both parties with- 
drew, and the affair was immediately considered 
by the Fathers. 

The patrons of the deputies, and many others, 
corrupted by their influence, disregarded what Ad- 
herbal had said ; highly extolled Jugurtha's bravery ; 
and by their interest, their pleadings, and indeed 



1 The speech of Adherbal exhibits a picture of the mild and amiable 
character of this injured prince, contrasted with that of Jugurtha, who, 
even in the infancy of his career, felt no restraint from any tie, divine 
or human. 



120 SALLUST ON THE 

every other possible method, endeavoured as strenu« 
ously to defend the crimes and infamy of another, 
as if it had been in support of their own reputation. 
On the other hand, there were a few who, prefer- 
ring justice and equity, gave it as their opinion 
that Adherbal should be assisted, and ample ven- 
geance taken for Hiempsal's death. He who dis- 
tinguished himself most in support of this opinion 
was iEmilius Scaurus, a man of high rank, active, 
factious, passionate for power, honour, and riches ; 
but one who concealed his vices very artfully. 
This man, perceiving that Jugurtha's gold was dis- 
tributed in a shameless and notorious manner, and 
fearing lest such barefaced bribery should, as is 
usual on the like occasions, raise public odium, 
resolved to steer clear of the temptation, and sacri- 
ficed the secret wishes of his heart. 

1 9. That party, however, prevailed in the senate 
which preferred money and favour to truth and 
equity; and it was decreed that ten commissioners 
should divide the kingdom which Micipsa had 
possessed between Jugurtha and Adherbal. .The 
principal person in the commission was Lucius 
Opimius, a man of eminence and great authority in 
the senate, because, when consul, he had put to 
death Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, and 
avenged the nobility on the commons with great 
fury. 

Jugurtha, though he knew this senator was his 
friend at Rome, yet received him with the most so- 
licitous respect ; and, by great presents and ample 
promises, brought him to sacrifice honour, reputa- 
tion, and, in a word, every thing else, to his in- 
terest. He applied to the other commissioners in 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 12 1 

the same manner, and succeeded with most of 
them : some few indeed there were who set a higher 
value on their honour. 

In the division of the kingdom, that part of Nu- 
midia which borders on Mauritania, and the most 
fertile and populous, was assigned to Jugurtha. 
Adherbal had the other ; which was indeed better 
furnished with ports and fine buildings, but of 
greater beauty than importance. 

My subject here seems to require a short ac- 
count of the situation of Africa, and of those 
nations with whom we have had wars or alliances. 
As for those other countries, which excessive heats, 
the difficulty of travelling, and vast deserts have 
made less frequented, I shall say nothing, it being 
very difficult to meet with any certain information 
concerning them. My account of the rest I shall 
despatch with all possible brevity. 1 

20. In the division of the globe, most authors 
reckon Africa a third part of the whole ; there 
being but few who divide it into Asia and Europe, 
and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded on 
the west by the straits, which join our sea to the 
ocean ; on the east, by spacious sloping plains, by 
the natives called Catabathmos. The sea of 
Africa is tempestuous, and without harbours ; the 
soil is fruitful in grain, and good for pasture, but 
produces few trees : here it seldom rains, and 
there are but few springs of water. The natives 
have hale bodies, are remarkable for their agility, 



1 This geographical account of Africa, from the pen of Sallust, has 
been highly extolled : he had been governor of that province, and had 
the best opportunities of investigating both the situation of the different 
countries, and the history of the people bv whom they were inhabited. 

Sal.-- -L 



122 SALLUST ON THE 

and can endure much fatigue ; most of them die 
of old age, except such as are destroyed by the 
sword or wild beasts ; for few of them are cut off 
by diseases. Noxious animals they have in great 
numbeis. 

Concerning the original inhabitants of Africa, 
and such as settled in it afterward, with the man- 
ner of their uniting together, I shall here give a 
short account, different indeed from the common 
one, but such as was interpreted to me out of the 
Carthaginian books, said to be those of King 
Hiempsal, 1 and agreeable to the opinion of the na- 
tives themselves ; but for the truth of the relation 
let the authors be accountable. 

21. Africa was at first possessed by the Gaetu- 
lians and Libyans, a savage and unpolished people, 
who lived on the flesh of wild beasts, or fed on 
the herbs of the field, like cattle ; subject to no 
laws, discipline, ur government ; without any fixed 
habitation ; wandering from place to place, and 
taking up their abode wherever night overtook 
them. But when Hercules 2 died in Spain, as the 
Africans think he did, his army, made up of dif- 
ferent nations, having lost their general, and many 
competitors arising for the command, dispersed in 
a short time. Those that were Medes, Persians, 
and Armenians sailed over into Africa, and took 
possession of those places that lie on our sea. 
But the Persians settled nearer the ocean ; and 

i In the time of Csesar, this Hiempsal reigned over a part of Numidia, 
and was succeeded by his son Juba. 

2 Fabulous heroes of this name were numerous among the ancients : 
some writers enumerate three; Cicero six; and Varro no less than 
forty-three. According to Virgil and Livy, Hercules travelled from Spain 
to Italy. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 123 

they made houses to themselves of their ships, 
turned upside down, because there was no timber 
in the country, nor had they an opportunity of im- 
porting it from Spain, having no commerce with 
that nation, on account of its great distance from 
them by sea, and their language, which was not 
understood there. These by degrees mixed with 
the Gaetulians by intermarriages ; and because they 
were constantly shifting from place to place, trying 
the goodness of the soil, they called themselves 
Numidians. The houses of the Numidian peas- 
ants, which they call mapalia, 1 are still like the 
hulls of ships, of an oblong form, with coverings 
rising in the middle, and bending at each end. 

The Libyans, who lived near the African sea, 
mingled with the Medes and Armenians ; for the 
Gaetulians lay more to the sun, almost under 
the equinoctial line. The Libyans very soon built 
cities ; for, being separated from Spain only by the 
straits, they exchanged commodities with that 
country. By degrees they corrupted the name of 
the Medes, calling them, in their barbarous lan- 
guage, Moors. Now, the Persians soon became a 
powerful people, and multiplied so greatly, that the 
youth, leaving their parents on account of their 
vast numbers, and retaining their new name of Nu- 
midians, took possession of the country bordering 
on Carthage, which is still called Numidia. After- 
ward, assisting each other, they reduced their 
neighbours, either by the terror or force of their 
arms, under their dominion, and thus acquired 

1 Tents, or portable cottages, covered with straw, and round in shape, 
according to Cato. St. Jerom represents them as shaped like ovens 5 
but they were probably of an oblong figure. 



124 SALLUST ON THE 

great glory and reputation, especially those mho 
advanced farthest along our seacoast ; because the 
Libyans were less warlike than the Gaetulians. 
At last, almost all lower Africa was possessed by 
the Numidians ; and the conquered nations, form- 
ing but one people with the conquerors, went by 
the same name. 

22. Afterward the Phoenicians came ; some of 
whom left their homes to ease their country, which 
was overstocked with inhabitants ; others were 
prompted by ambition, and engaged the populace, 
and such as were fond of novelty, to follow them. 
They built Hippo, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other 
places on the seacoast ; which, growing powerful 
in a short time, proved, some of them a defence, 
others an honour, to their mother states : for, as to 
Carthage, 1 I think it is better to be altogether silent 
than to say but little ; besides, it is time to return 
to my subject. 

From the plains of Catabathmos, which sepa- 
rate Egypt from Africa, as we go along the sea- 
coast, the first city is Cyrene, 2 a colony from Thera. 
Next to this lie the two Syrtes, 3 with Leptis be- 
tween them ; then the altars of the Philaeni, which 



i This celebrated city was founded by Cadmus, about 1233 years be- 
fore the Christian era, and forty-nine after the memorable siege of Troy. 
In later ages, the Carthaginians possessed great maritime strength, and 
their dominion extended over the whole coast of Africa, the best part of 
Spain and Sicily, Sardinia, and several smaller islands. The city was 
destroyed by the younger Scipio Africanus, 1080 years from the time of 
Cadmus ; was rebuilt by Augustus, as a Roman colony, and finally de- 
molished by the Saracens, in the seventh century. 

2 Now a part of the kingdom of Tripoli. 

3 Two bays or gulfs of the Mediterranean, mentioned by most ancient 
writers as extremely dangerous to mariners. Horace alludes to them 
in his ode to Augustus on the battle of Actium; and the frightful no- 
tions entertained of them by the ancients are described in the fourth 
book of the Argonautics of Apollonius Rhodius ; where the poet con- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 125 

bound the Carthaginian empire on the side of 
Egypt; and afterward other Punic cities. The 
rest of Africa, as far as Mauritania, is possessed 
by the Numidians : l the Moors are nearest to 
Spain, Above Numidia, as I have been informed, 
are the Gaetuli, who live some of them in huts, 
while others wander about without any fixed abode. 
Beyond them are the Ethiopians ; and then coun- 
tries scorched by the heat of the sun. 2 In the war 
with Jugurtha, the Romans had governors of their 
own in most of the Punic cities, and those places 
which had been lately subject to Carthage. Great 

ducts the sacred vessel, with his heroes, to the dangerous and inhospi- 
table shores of Libya. The following spirited version of this passage 
is from the pen of Mr. Preston : 

Full in their view the land of Pel ops lay : 

When northern blasts arose with furious sway. 

Nine dreadful nights the storm incessant roars; 

As many days it rends the Libyan shores. 

The driving winds the helm, the pilot scorn : — 

Near the fell Syrtes is the vessel borne. 

There shifting sands the lab'ring bark embay ; • 

Thence never crew pursued the homeward way. 

A hideous tract the slimy marshes spread : 

The putrid waves are motionless and dead : 

A treacherous depth of seeming land is seen, 

Devouring water, cloth'd in fraudful green. 

Along the brine a spume corrupted lies, 

And pestilential vapours load the skies. 

inhospitably rise the sandy heaps. 

No bird has dwelling there, no thing that creeps. 

The winds, conspiring with the refluent surge, 

On these unhappy shoals the vessel urge ; 

Where tides resistless, with alternate roar, 

Now to the main return, now break upon the shore. 

Part of the keel within the wave remained ; # 

The greater portion now the land sustain'd. 
Kennel, in his Essay on the Geographical System of Herodotus, gives 
an interesting description of those celebrated bays. 

i The Numidian territory, in the time of Jugurtha, formed the most 
extensive kingdom possessed by any African power after the destruction 
of Carthage. 

2 Herodotus says, the parts of Libya beyond the seacoast are filled 
vith beasts of prey, while the more remote regions, alike infested 
with those noxious animals, are scorched by the rays of the sun, and 
exhibit a barren, sandy, and immeasurable desert. 
T, 2 



126 SALLUST ON THE 

part of the Gsetulians were under Jugurtha ; and 
the Numidians, too, as far as the river Mulucha. 
The Moors were all subject to Bocchus, who knew 
nothing of the Romans but the name ; nor was he 
known to them before, either in war or peace. I 
have now said enough of Africa and its inhabitants 
for my purpose. 

23. After Numidia was divided by the Roman 
commissioners, and they returned home, — when 
Jugurtha, contrary to his fears, saw himself re- 
warded for his crimes, — he was fully persuaded of 
the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Nu- 
mantia, that all things were to be bought at Rome ; 
and being encouraged too by the promises of those 
whom he had loaded with presents, he resolved to 
seize Adherbal's kingdom. He was himself, in- 
deed, of a daring disposition, and an excellent 
soldier ; but he whose destruction he aimed at was 
quiet, spiritless, of a meek temper, obnoxious to 
insults, and more apt to be terrified than to inspire 
terror. Accordingly, on a sudden he invaded his 
territories with a powerful body, took many pris- 
oners, cattle, and other booty ; set fire to his cities ; 
and, flying about with his cavalry from place to 
place, ravaged his country. He then returned into 
his own kingdom with all his forces, thinking that 
Adherbal would have recourse to arms for redress, 
and thus furnish him with a pretext for war. But 
Adherbal, not looking on himself as a match for 
Jugurtha in arms, and relying more on Roman 
friendship than his own subjects, sent ambassadors 
to complain to Jugurtha of such outrages ; and 
though they returned with an insulting answer, yet 
he determined to suffer any indignity rather than 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 127 

engage in war, in which he had succeeded so badly 
before. This did not, however, allay the insa- 
tiable ambition of Jugurtha, who had already, in 
his mind, taken possession of AdherbaFs kingdom. 
He therefore now began to make war, not as for- 
merly, at the head of a band of plunderers, but 
with a powerful army, and openly aimed at the 
sovereignty of all Numidia : wherever he marched, 
he took cities, laid waste the country* committed 
universal depredation, and did every thing to in- 
spire his men with courage, and strike terror into 
the enemy. 

24. Adherbal, finding that he must either quit 
his kingdom or defend it by arms, submitted to 
necessity, and raising forces, marched against Ju- 
gurtha : so that both armies encamped near Cirta, 
not far from the sea f but, as the evening ap- 
proached, they did not engage. When night was 
almost past, and day began to dawn, Jugurtha's 
men, on a signal given, broke into the enemy's 
camp, and falling on them, while some were 
scarcely awake, and others just taking their. arms, 
put them to flight. Adherbal, with a few horse, 
made his escape to Cirta ; and was so closely 
pursued, that if the Italians, in great numbers, had 
not repulsed the Numidians from the walls, the 
war between the two kings had been commenced 
and terminated in the same day. 

Jugurtha, on this, laid close siege to the town: 
towers, moving galleries, and engines of all sorts, 
were advanced against it ; as he was desirous that 

l The historian has been charged with an error in this place, probably- 
referable to his^ transcribers. Cirta, the modern Constantia, is said to 
be nearly forty-eight English miles from the sea. 



128 SALLUST ON THE 

the place should fall before the ambassadors, 
whom he heard were sent to Rome before the 
battle, should arrive there. 

But as soon as the senate had notice of the war 
they despatched three ambassadors, all young men, 
with orders to go to each of the kings, and ac- 
quaint them, that it was the pleasure of the senate 
and people of Rome that they should quit their 
arms, and decide their differences by law rather 
than the sword ; and that they would thus act as 
the dignity of Rome and their own interests re- 
quired. 

25. The ambassadors arrived quickly in Africa, 
making the greater despatch, because, while they 
were preparing to depart, a report both of the en- 
gagement and siege of Cirta reached Rome ; but 
this report was but little credited. Jugurtha, on 
hearing their commission, replied, "that nothing 
was more sacred, nothing dearer to him, than the 
authority of the senate : that from his youth he 
had endeavoured to merit the approbation of every 
person of eminent worth : that he had gained the 
friendship of Scipio, that excellent man, by his. 
virtuous conduct, not by infamous arts : that Mi- 
eipsa had, in consideration of his good qualities* 
and not for want of children, adopted him joint- 
heir with his own sons to the kingdom : but the 
braver and more deserving his conduct had been, 
the less could his spirit bear with insults : that 
Adherbal had laid snares for his life, which, when 
he discovered, he endeavoured to defeat : that the 
Roman people would neither act a just nor a wise 
part if they denied him the common right of na- 
tions : finally, that he would quickly send deputies 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 129 

to Rome, to satisfy them concerning all his pro- 
ceedings." 

With this answer the ambassadors departed, 
without being allowed access to Adherbal. Ju- 
gurtha, when he thought they had left Africa, per- 
ceiving it impossible to take Cirta by assault, on 
account of its natural strength, begirt it with a 
trench and rampart, raised towers, and filled them 
with armed men. He likewise tried day and 
night all possible methods both of force and strata- 
gem ; one while tempting the besieged with prom- 
ises, another endeavouring to terrify them by his 
threats ; constantly animating his men, and push- 
ing every necessary measure with the utmost dili- 
gence. Adherbal, finding his affairs in extreme 
danger, his enemy determined on his ruin, no hopes 
of succour, and that the war could not be con- 
tined long for want of provisions, chose two of the 
most active and resolute of those who fled with 
him to Cirta, and prevailed on them, by great prom- 
ises and an affecting representation of his distress, 
to venture in the night-time through the enemy's, 
lines, to the next shore, and from thence to Rome. 
The Numidians in a few days executed their orders. 
Adherbal's letter was read in the senate ; and was 
to this effect : 

26. " Conscript Fathers, it is not my fault that 
I make such frequent application to you ; it is the 
violence of Jugurtha that forces me to it, who is 
so resolutely determined on my destruction, that 
he pursues it without regarding your resentment, 
or that of the immortal gods themselves. He 
prefers my blood to every other consideration ; in- 
somuch, that I, though a friend and ally of the 



130 SALLUST ON THE 

Roman people, have been besieged by him almost 
five months ; nor does the generosity of my father 
Micipsa to him, nor the authority of your decrees, 
avail any thing towards my relief. Whether famine 
or the sword presses hardest on me I am unable 
to say. My wretched situation discourages me 
from writing at greater length concerning Jugur- 
tha ; having learned by experience how little credit 
is given to the miserable : this, however, I will 
venture to add, that I am sensible he aims at some- 
thing beyond my ruin, and that he can never ex- 
pect to enjoy my kingdom and your friendship ; 
which of these he prefers to the other can be a secret 
to none. First he murdered my brother Hiempsal ; 
then drove me from my father's kingdom. Let 
these, however, be considered as injuries done to 
our family, and nowise affecting y@u ; yet now he 
keeps by force a kingdom that is yours, and be- 
sieges me, appointed by you king of the Numid- 
ians. How much he regarded the orders you sent 
him by your deputies my dangers abundantly 
show. What remains, then, but that you have re- 
course to* force, .which alone can move him? 

" As for me;*I could wish that the facts I now 
state, and those I formerly complained of before 
the senate, were altogether groundless, rather than 
this proof should be verified by my sufferings. 
But since I was born to be a spectacle of Jugur- 
tha's cruelty, I do not beg to be rescued from death 
or distress, but only from falling into his hands, 
and from the tortures that are prepared for me. 
Dispose of the kingdom of Numidia, which is your 
own, as you judge most proper ; but I conjure you* 
by the majesty of the Roman empire, and by the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 131 

faith of friendship and alliance, deliver me from 
the impious hands of Jugurtha, if you have any 
regard for the memory of my grandfather Masi- 
nissa." 

27. On reading this letter, there were some 
senators who proposed that an army should be sent 
into Africa, and succours despatched to Adherbai 
with all expedition ; and that Jugurtha's disobedience 
to their orders should be forthwith taken into con- 
sideration. But the king's advocates strenuously 
opposed such measures ; and thus the public good 
was sacrificed to private interest. 

Ambassadors were chosen, however, to be sent 
into Africa; men of age and dignity, who had 
borne the highest offices of the state ; among whom 
was Marcus Scaurus, whom we have already men- 
tioned, a man of consular dignity, and at that time 
prince of the senate. These, observing that the 
public odium was great against Jugurtha, and being 
pressed by the Numidians to make all possible 
despatch, embarked in three days ; and arriving 
soon at Utica, wrote to Jugurtha, desiring his im- 
mediate presence in the Roman province, as they 
had orders to him from the senate. 

When he found that men of such eminence and 
authority at Rome were sent to oppose his designs, 
he was distracted between fear and ambition. On 
the one hand, he dreaded the resentment of the 
senate, if he did not obey their deputies ; on the 
other, his eager passion for power hurried him on 
to the execution of his wicked undertaking. At 
last ambition prevailed; and, surrounding Cirta 
with all his army, he made a general assault, la- 
bouring with all his might to break into it ; as he- 



132 SALLUST ON THE 

hoped, by dividing the enemy's forces, to have a 
chance for victory, either by force or artifice. Baf- 
fled in this attempt, and finding that his great aim 
of getting Adherbal into his possession before he 
met the deputies could not be effected, he came 
with a few horse into the Roman province, that he 
might not by longer delay incense Scaurus, of 
whom he stood in great awe. 

On his arrival, though the deputies, in the name 
of the senate, denounced grievous threatenings 
against him for continuing the siege, yet, after a 
long debate, they departed without success. 

28. When an account of this conference reached 
Cirta, the Italians, by whose bravery the town was 
defended, persuading themselves that their persons 
would not be injured after a surrender, in consid- 
eration of the Roman power, advised Adherbal to 
deliver himself and the town to Jugurtha, without 
insisting on any conditions but that of preserving- 
his own life, as the senate would take care of all 
other matters. Adherbal, though sensible that no- 
thing was less to be depended on than Jugurtha's 
word, yet considering that it was in the power of 
those who advised him to force him to a compli- 
ance in case of refusal, yielded to the proposal of 
the Italians, and surrendered: on which Jugurtha 
put Adherbal to death immediately on the rack, and 
then slaughtered all the Numidian youth and foreign 
merchants, without distinction. 

29. When this was known at Rome, and began 
to be debated in the senate, the king's former ad- 
vocates, by their intrigues, by their interest with 
particular senators, and often by protracting the 
time in long harangues, endeavoured to qualify the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 133 

horror of his crimes ; and had not Cams Mem- 
mius, tribune of the people elect, a man of spirit, 
and a declared enemy to the power of the nobility, 
informed the Roman people that the design of all 
this was to procure impunity to Jugurtha for his 
crimes by means of a faction, the public indigna- 
tion against him would undoubtedly have vanished 
by their studied delays ; so powerfully did favour 
and the king's money operate. 

But the senate, through a consciousness of the 
injustice of their proceeding, began to dread the 
resentment of the. people \ and, complying with the 
Sempronian law, decreed Numidia and Italy the 
provinces of the next consuls, who were declared 
to be Publius Scipio Nasica and Lucius Bestia 
Calpurnius. To the former of these Italy fell, and 
to the latter Numidia. Then an army was raised 
to be sent into Africa ; and a decree was made for 
the payment of it, and for every thing necessary 
to carry on the war. 

30. When Jugurtha heard this intelligence, so 
contrary to his hopes, as he had a strong persuasion 
that every thing was to be purchased at Rome by 
gold, he sent his son, accompanied by two of his 
intimate friends, on an embassy to the senate, and 
ordered them, as he had formerly done those he 
sent after the assassination of Hiem{)sal, to bribe 
all sorts of men. On their approach to Rome, 
Bestia consulted the senate, " whether the deputies 
of Jugurtha should be admitted within the walls :" 
and it was decreed, " that unless they came to 
surrender Jugurtha and his kingdom, they must 
depart out of Italy within ten days." This the 
consul, by the senate's orders, signified to the Nu- 

Sal.— M 



134 SALLUST ON THE 

midians ; and thus they returned without executing 
their commission. 

Calpurnius, in the mean time, having raised an 
army, chose for his lieutenant-generals persons of 
quality and intrigue, whose authority he hoped 
would support him in whatever he might do amiss ; 
among whom was Scaurus, of whose temper and 
character we have already given an account. The 
consul himself had indeed many excellent endow- 
ments both of body and mind ; but avarice ren- 
dered them of little avail : he was hardy, of great 
penetration and foresight, well skilled in war, and 
not to be moved by dangers or surprise. 

The legions marched through Italy to Rhegium, 
where they embarked for Sicily, and from thence 
were transported to Africa; so that Calpurnius, 
who had early provided himself with all necessa- 
ries, entered Numidia with great vigour, took great 
numbers of prisoners, and reduced several cities 
by storm. 

31. Jugurtha now began, by his deputies^ to 
tempt Calpurnius with gold, and to lay before him 
the difficulties of the war in which he was en- 
gaged. His soul, sick with avarice, was easily 
softened. He took Scaurus, however, as his part- 
~4 ner and adviser in all his schemes ; who, though 
'he had at first vigorously opposed the king, even 
when most of his party were already corrupted, 
was nevertheless prevailed on, by a vast sum of 
money, to desert the cause of honour and equity 
for that of oppression and injustice. 

Jugurtha at first only purchased a suspension of 
the war, nattering himself that in the mean time 
he should succeed at Rome, either by favour or 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 135 

money ; but hearing that Scaurus was engaged 
in his interest, he conceived high hopes of obtain- 
ing peace, and determined to treat with him in 
person concerning the terms of it. In the mean 
time, to remove his apprehensions of danger, the 
consul sent Sextius the quaestor to Vacca where Ju- 
gurtha was ; but under pretence of receiving corn, 
which Calpurnius had publicly ordered the depu- 
ties to provide, since a truce was granted till a 
surrender should be made. 

Jugurtha at length entered the camp, as he had 
determined ; and, after a short speech to the coun- 
cil of officers, to lessen the odium of his crimes, 
proposed to deliver himself up. The terms he, 
afterward settled privately with Bestia and Scau- 
rus ; and was, the day after, admitted to a surren- 
der, as if the matter had been concluded in due 
form by a majority of voices. Accordingly, thirty 
elephants, some cattle, with a great number of 
horses, and a small sum of money, were, agreeably 
to the order of the council, delivered to the quaestor. 
Calpurnius then departed for Rome, to assist at the 
election of magistrates ; all being quiet in Numidia, 
and in our army there. 

32. These transactions were soon known at 
Rome, and the conduct of the consul was the sub- 
ject of conversation among all ranks : the people 
were filled with indignation, and the senate with 
perplexity ; not knowing whether they should ratify 
so dishonourable a treaty, or make void the ordi- 
nance of the consul. The authority of Scaurus, 
who was said to be the adviser and associate of 
Bestia, was what principally diverted them from 
acting a just and honourable part, 



136 SALLUST ON THE 

While the senate thus remained in suspense 
Caius Memmius, whose freedom of spirit and sworn 
enmity to the power of the nobility has been already 
mentioned, stirred up the people in their assemblies 
to revenge their own wrongs ; warned them not to 
desert the interests of the public and their own 
liberty ; laid before them many instances of the 
haughty and tyrannical behaviour of the nobility, 
and used every possible method to inflame the 
minds of the populace against them. 

Now, as the eloquence of Memmius was at that 
time in great reputation and of great influence at 
Rome, I have thought proper to transcribe one of 
his numerous speeches ; and, above all others, that 
which he made to an assembly of the people after 
the return of Bestia, in the following strain : 

33. " If my zeal for the public good did not 
bear down every other consideration, Romans, 
there are many motives to dissuade me from ad- 
hering to your interests ; motives great and pow- 
erful ! — the strength of the opposite party ; your 
tameness of spirit ; the universal prevalence of in- 
justice ; and, above all, innocence rather exposed 
to danger, than crowned with honour : for it really 
gives me pain to relate with what insolent scorn 
you have l>een treated by a few great men, for 
these* fifteen years ! how basely your great cham- 
pions have been suffered to perish unrevenged ! 
how your former spirit is sunk through the indo- 
lence and effeminacy of those who, even now, 
when your enemies are at your mercy, do not stir 
against them ; and are afraid of those to whom 
you should be a terror I Notwithstanding all this, 
my spirit obliges me to oppose the power of the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 137 

faction ; nor will I fail to use that liberty which is 
transmitted to me by my father : but whether with 
or without success, depends entirely on you, O 
Romans ! 

34. " Not that I advise you to redress your 
wrongs by arms, as your ancestors have often 
done ; no, there is no need of violence, none of 
leaving the city ; since they must certainly rain 
themselves by their own proceedings., 

" After the death of Tiberius Gracchus, who was 
charged by them with having aimed at the sove- 
reignty, the severest cruelties were exercised to- 
wards the Roman people. When Caius Gracchus 
and Marcus Fulvius were put to death, many of 
your body perished in prison ; nor was it law, but 
the will and pleasure of your rulers, that put an 
end to both these massacres. 1 But let restoring 
the people their rights pass for aiming at the sove- 
reignty ; let it be deemed lawful to remedy what 
could not otherwise be remedied than by shedding 
the blood of Roman citizens ! You have, for seve- 
ral years, with secret indignation beheld the trea- 
sury pillaged ; beheld kings and free nations pay 

i The most disgraceful massacres followed the death of the Gracchi. 
Velleius Paterculus furnishes some interesting reflections on the fate 
and character of these celebrated brothers, describes the manner of their 
death, and the indecent circumstances of their bodies being thrown into 
the Tiber. The same historian remarks, that if the conduct of the 
Gracchi was intemperate, that of their opponents was disgraced by the 
most atrocious acts. As a striking example, the son of Fulvius Flac- 
cus, not implicated in the guilt of his father, was cruelly put to death by 
the order of Opimius. While they were carrying him to execution, a 
soothsayer of Etruria, and friend of the young man, perceiving his 
tears, and that he began to launch out into useless lamentation, nobly 
cried out to him, to show greater firmness, and that he himself would 
set the example how he should meet his fate. With these words he 
rushed against one of the door-posts of the prison, which were made of 
stone ; and, dashing out his brains with the violence of the blow, he 
expired on the spot. 

M2 



138 SALLUST ON THE 

tribute to a few of the nobles ; and those few 
adorned with public honours, and possessed of im- 
mense wealth. Nay, looking on the commission 
of such enormities with impunity as but a small 
matter, they have at last betrayed your laws, 
your majesty, every thing divine and human, into 
the hands of your enemies. Nor for all this are 
they touched with remorse or shame : no ; they 
appear in public with great pomp, displaying their 
sacerdotal dignities, their consulships, their tri- 
umphs ; as if these dignities possessed by them 
were really honourable, and not marks of their 
usurpation. Slaves bought with gold do not sub- 
mit to the unjust commands of their masters ; and 
can you, Eomans, who are born to command, 
tamely submit to slavery? 

" But who are they who have seized on the 
commonwealth 1 The most profligate of all men; 
their hands died with the blood of their fellow- 
citizens ; men of boundless avarice, of enormous 
guilt, and matchless pride ; men who turn honour, 
faith, public spirit, and, in short, whatever is just 
or unjust, into gain. Some of them owe their se- 
curity to the massacre of your tribunes ; others to 
lawless prosecutions ; and most of them to their 
having shed your blood : so that they who have 
done you the greatest wrong are in the greatest 
safety ; and instead of dreading punishment at your 
hands for their numerous crimes, your cowardice 
renders them objects of terror. As their desires, 
their aversions, their fears are the same, they are 
closely united together: now such a conformity of 
inclinations among good men is friendship, but fac- 
tion when found among the wicked. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 139 

35» " But were you as much concerned for the 
preservation of your liberty as they are for the lust 
of power, the commonwealth would not be torn in 
pieces as it now is ; and your favours, instead of 
being conferred on the most audacious, would be 
bestowed on the most deserving. Your ancestors 
twice withdrew from the city to Mount Aventine, 
in arms, in order to assert their rights and establish 
their dignity : and will not you labour with all your 
might to maintain the liberty they have transmitted 
to you ? nay, will not you labour with the greater 
zeal, as it is more dishonourable to lose what has 
been acquired, than not to have acquired it at all ? 

"Here some will ask me, 'What then would 
you have done V I answer, I would have those 
punished who have betrayed the commonwealth to 
an enemy ; not by force or violence, — a method 
of punishment which, though they deserve, yet 
does not become your dignity to inflict ; — but by a 
legal prosecution, and the evidence of Jugurtha 
himself; who, if he has actually surrendered, will 
obey your commands ; but if he despise them, 
you may then judge what kind of peace or sur- 
render it is, from which Jugurtha derives impunity 
for his crimes, a few great men immense wealth, 
and the state nothing but loss and infamy. 

" But perhaps you are not as yet satiated with 
the tyranny of these men, and are best pleased 
with those times when kingdoms, provinces, law, 
the administration of justice, war, and peace, — in a 
word, every thing divine and human, were at the 
disposal of a few ; while you, the Roman people, 
always invincible, and lords of the world, were 
humbly content to be allowed to live. Nor was 



140 SALLUST ON THE 

there a man of you who had spirit to refuse the 
yoke. As for me, though I look on it as very dis- 
honourable to a man tamely to bear ill-usage, yet 
I should patiently see you pardon the most guilty 
criminals, because they are your fellow-citizens* 
were it not that your compassion would prove your 
own certain ruin. 

36. " Such, indeed, is the mischievous spirit 
of these men, that to pardon their past crimes will 
signify little to you, if you do not deprive them of 
power to repeat them ; and nothing will remain to 
you but continual anxiety, when you find that you 
must either be slaves, or preserve your liberty by 
force : for what hope is there of mutual faith and 
concord between them and you ? They desire to 
be lords ; you to be free : they to oppress you ; 
you to defend yourselves : in a word, they use 
your allies like enemies, your enemies like allies. 
Can peace or friendship possibly subsist between 
persons of such opposite dispositions ? 

" Wherefore I advise and exhort you not to suf- 
fer such foul delinquents to go unpunished. It is 
not the pillage of the treasury, nor the extortion 
of money from your allies, that now comes under 
your consideration ; crimes which, however hei- 
nous, yet are become so common that they pass 
for nothing. It is the authority of the senate, it is 
your own mighty power, that is betrayed to a very 
terrible enemy, and the commonwealth exposed to 
sale both at home and abroad. Unless you prose- 
cute these crimes, and take vengeance on the 
guilty, what remains but to live the slaves of those 
who committed them ? for to do with impunity 
ivhat one pleases is being a king. 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 14 1 

" I do not mean, Romans ! to encourage you 
to wish that these your fellow-citizens may be 
found to have acted basely rather than honourably; 
but only warn you not to ruin the good and deserv- 
ing by pardoning the wicked. . Besides, it is much 
wiser in any government to forget services rather 
than wrongs : for a good man, by being neglected, 
becomes only more indolent ; whereas a bad man 
grows still worse. Let me add, if injuries are pre 
vented, you will seldom stand in need of assist 
ance." 

37. By these and such-like speeches Memmius 
persuaded the Roman people to send Lucius Cas- 
sius, who was then praetor, to Jugurtha, and bring 
him to Rome on the public faith ; that, by his evi- 
dence, Scaurus and others, who were charged with 
betraying their trust, might be clearly convicted. 

While these measures were pursuing at Rome, 
the officers whom Bestia had left with the com- 
mand of the army at Numidia, in imitation of their 
general's conduct, committed many and infamous 
crimes. Some, for a sum of money, restored Ju- 
gurtha his elephants ; others sold him his deserters: ; 
and some plundered the provinces at peace with 
the Romans ; such was the violence of avarice, 
which, like a plague, had taken possession of their 
minds. 

The praetor Cassius, in consequence of this or- 
dinance of the people, procured by Memmius, to 
the great surprise of the nobility, went to Jugur- 
tha, who, from a consciousness of his guilt, was 
diffident of his cause, and persuaded him, "that, 
since he had already delivered himself up to the 
Roman people, he should trust to their mercy 



142 SALLTJST ON THE 

rather than provoke their vengeance." He like- 
wise pledged to him his own faith, which Jugurtha 
reckoned as strong a security as that of the re- 
public : such at that time was the reputation of 
Cassius. 

38. Jugurtha accordingly went to Rome with 
Cassius ; yet divested of regal pomp, and dressed 
in such a manner as to excite compassion. But 
though he was himself of an intrepid spirit, and 
was moreover encouraged by assurances from 
those, in reliance on whose power and criminal 
practices he had hitherto been supported ; yet, by 
an immense sum of money, he secured the assist- 
ance of Caius Baebius, tribune of the people, one 
who trusted to his unconquerable impudence for 
protection against all law and all manner of in- 
juries. 

When an assembly of the people was called by 
Memmius, though they were so highly exasperated 
against Jugurtha, that some of them were for put- 
ting him in irons, others for putting him to death 
like a public enemy, according to the ancient usage* 
unless he discovered his associates ; yet Mem- 
mius, more concerned for their dignity than the 
gratification of their fury, endeavoured to calm the 
tumult and soften their minds, and declared that he 
wouiu take care that the public faith should not be 
violated. 

Having obtained silence, and ordered Jugurtha 
to be brought before the assembly, he proceeded 
in his speech ; recounted all his wicked actions, 
both in Rome and Numtdia ; exposed his unnatural 
behaviour to his father and brothers ; adding, that 
the Roman people, though they were not ignorant 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 143 

by whom he had been aided and supported, still 
desired full information of the whole from himself. 
If he declared the truth, he had much to hope from 
the faith and clemency of the Roman people ; but 
if he concealed it, he would not save his friends 
by such means, but ruin his own fortune and his 
prospects for ever. 

When Memmius had concluded, and Jugurtha 
was ordered to reply, the tribune Baebius, who had 
been secured by a sum of money, as already men- 
tioned, desired him to be silent': and though the 
people there assembled were highly incensed, and 
endeavoured to terrify him with their cries, with 
angry looks, with acts of violence, and every other 
method which indignation inspires, yet his impu- 
dence triumphed over it all. The people departed 
after being thus mocked: Jugurtha, Bestia, and 
the rest, who were at first fearful of this prosecu- 
tion, now assumed greater courage. 

39. There was at this juncture a certain Nu- 
midian at Rome, called Massiva, the son of Gulussa, 
and grandson of Masinissa ; who, having taken 
part against Jugurtha in the war between the three 
kings, had fled from Africa on the surrender of 
Cirta and the murder of Adherbal. Spurius Al- 
binus, who with Quintus Minucius Rufus succeeded 
Bestia in the consulship, persuaded this man to 
apply to the senate for the kingdom of Numidia ; 
as he was descended from Masinissa, and Jugur- 
tha was now the object of public abhorrence on 
account of his crimes, and alarmed with daily 
fears of the punishment he merited. The consul, 
who was fond of having the management of the 
war, was more desirous that the public disturb- 



144 SALLUST ON THE 

ances should be continued than composed. The 
province of Numidia had fallen to him, and Mace- 
donia to his colleague. 

When Massiva began to prosecute his claim, 
Jugurtha, finding that he could not rely on the as- 
sistance of his friends, some of whom were seized 
with remorse, others restrained by the bad opinion 
the public had of them, and by their fears, ordered 
Bomilcar, who was his faithful friend and confi- 
dant, " to engage persons to murder Massiva for 
money, by which he had accomplished many things ; 
and to do it by private means, if possible ; but if 
these were ineffectual, by any means whatever." 

Bomilcar quickly executed the king's orders, and, 
by employing proper instruments, discovered his 
places of resort, his set times, and all his motions ; 
and when matters were ripe,- laid a scheme for the 
assassination. One of those who were to put the 
murder in execution attacked Massiva and slew 
him ; but so imprudently, that he was himself ap- 
prehended ; and being urged by many, especially 
by the consul Albinus, confessed all. Bomilcar 
was arraigned, more agreeably to reason and jus- 
tice than to the law of nations ; for he accompa- 
nied Jugurtha, who came to Rome on the public 
faith. 

Jugurtha, though clearly guilty of so foul a crime, 
repeated his endeavours to bear down the force of 
truth, till he perceived that the horror of his guilt 
was such as to baffle all the power of interest or 
bribery : on which, though he had been compelled, 
in the commencement of the prosecution of Bom- 
ilcar, to give up fifty of his friends as sureties 
for his standing his trial, he sent him privately to 



JUGURTHINE WAtl. 143 

Nuriiidia ; being more concerned for his kingdom 
than the safety of his friends : for he was fearful, 
should this favourite be punished, that the rest of 
his subjects would be discouraged from obeying 
him. In a few days he himself followed, being 
ordered by the senate to depart out of Italy* 
When he left Rome, it is reported that, having 
frequently looked back to it with fixed attention, he 
at last broke out into these words : " A venal city, 
and ripe for destruction when a purchaser can be 
found." 1 

40. All negotiation being now at an end, Albi- 
nus was in haste to transport into Africa money, 
provisions, and every thing necessary for the use 
of the army ; and soon after followed himself, that 
he might put an end to the war, either by defeat- 
ing the enemy, by obliging Jugurtha to surrender* 
or by some other means, before the time for elec- 
tion of magistrates* which was near at hand. Ju- 
gurtha, on the contrary, endeavoured to protract 
time, and was continually finding fresh pretences 
for delay : one while he promised to surrender ; 
another he feigned distrust ; when the enemy 
pressed him, he gave way ; and soon after, lest 
his men should be discouraged, he attacked them 
in his turn. Thus did he baffle the consul by an 
alternate course of hostilities and proposals of 
peace. Some there w T ere at that time who ima- 
gined that Albinus was not ignorant of the king's 
designs, and who could not believe that the pro- 
tracting of the war, after such vigorous prepara- 

l Livy, Florus, and Kti tropins confirm this account; and the hffe'ory 
of Ceesar, at no very distant period, ■ amply verified Juguttha's pre- 
diction. 

Sal.- N 



146 SALLUST ON THE 

tions, was so much owing to inactivity as to se- 
cret connivance. Much time had now elapsed; 
and on the approach of the elections Albinus went 
to Rome, leaving his brother Aulus to command in 
the camp as praetor. 

41. The commonwealth was at this time ter- 
ribly agitated by the contentions of the tribunes of 
the people. Two of these, Publius Lueullus and 
Lucius Annius, endeavoured to continue in their 
office, notwithstanding the opposition of all their 
colleagues ; which contest kept off the election for 
a whole year. 

Aulus, who was left propraetor in the camp, as 
we have already related, conceiving hopes of either 
terminating the war, or, by the terror of his 
arms, extorting from the king a sum of money, 
drew his men out of their winter-quarters in the 
month of January, and by long marches, under 
the rigours of the season, reached SuthuL, where 
the king's treasure lay. The inclemency of the 
weather, and the situation of this place, rendered 
it impossible to take, or even to besiege it ; for 
besides its being built on a steep rock, and strongly 
walled, the plains that surrounded it were turned 
into a perfect marsh by the winter rains. Not- 
withstanding all this, Aulus, either as a feint to in- 
timidate the king, or blinded by avarice to the utter 
impossibility of success, framed moving galleries, 
threw up trenches, and made all necessary prepa- 
rations for a siege. 

42. Jugurtha, perceiving the propraetor's igno- 
rance and vanity, made use of several arts to in- 
crease hi3 madness and presumption; frequently 
mm deputies to him with humble messages, while 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 147 

he himself, affecting fear, led his army through 
forests and narrow passes. At length Aulus, in 
the hope that the king would surrender on condi- 
tions, was tempted to quit Suthul and pursue him. 
Jugurtha, appearing to fly before him, by this 
means drew him into countries utterly unknown to 
him, the better to execute his own designs. In 
the mean time he employed cunning instruments 
day and night to tamper with the Roman army; 
bribed the centurions and officers of horse, some 
to desert to him, and others on a signal given, to 
quit their posts. Having thus far pursued his 
schemes successfully, on a sudden, in the dead of 
night, he surrounded Aulus's camp with a great 
body of Numidians. The Roman soldiers being 
struck with alarm, some took their arms, some hid 
themselves, and others encouraged those that were 
timid. The consternation soon became general : 
the number of the enemy was great, the night was 
dark and cloudy, and danger threatened them on 
every side : in a word, it was impossible to deter- 
mine whether it was safest to maintain their 
ground or fly. Meanwhile, a cohort of Ligurians, 
two troops of Thracian horse, with a few common 
men, deserted to Jugurtha, by whom they had been 
corrupted ; and a centurion of the first rank, be- 
longing to the third legion, opened a passage to the 
enemy into the camp,* at which all the Numidians 
poured in, by delivering up a strong post, the de- 
fence of which was assigned to him. The Romans 
now disgracefully fled, and most of them, throwing 
away their arms, took possession of a neighbour- 
ing hill. Night and the plunder of the camp pre- 
vented the enemy from improving the victory, 



148 SAJ.LU&T ON THE 

Next day Jugurtha, at a conference with Aulus, 
told him, "that although both he and his troops 
were at his mercy, being hemmed in on all sides 
with sword and famine, yet, mindful of the incon- 
stancy of human affairs, if he would conclude a 
treaty with him, he would allow them to depart un- 
molested ; only making them pass under the 
yoke, and obliging them to quit Numidia in ten 
days. These conditions, though very rigorous 
and extremely dishonourable, were yet sub- 
mitted to: they were thus delivered from the 
fear of death, and a peace was concluded on the 
king's terms. 

43. When this was known at Rome, grief and 
consternation seized all the city. Some were 
deeply concerned for the glory of the empire ; 
others, unacquainted with war, trembled for their 
liberty ; all were filled with indignation against 
Aulus, those especially who had distinguished 
themselves often by their bravery in the field, that 
with arms in his hands he should consult his safety 
rather by submitting shamefully than defending 
himself gallantly. The consul Albinus, dreading 
the public odium, and the great danger to which 
his brother's infamous conduct exposed him, con- 
sulted the senate on the treaty ; yet, in the mean 
time, raised recruits for the army, applied for aux- 
iliaries from the allies and the states of Latium, 
and made all necessary preparations with the ut- 
most diligence. The senate, as was expected, 
decreed, " that without their authority and that of 
the people, no treaty could be valid ;" and the 
consul, not being allowed by the tribunes of the 
people to transport into Africa the forces he had 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 149 

raised, departed himself, in a few days, for that 
country. 

The whole army, according to agreement, had 
quitted Numidia, and wintered in the Roman prov- 
ince ; and on his arrival, though he had an eager 
desire to march against Jugurtha, and thus lessen 
the public odium under which his brother had 
fallen, yet, when he found that the courage of the 
soldiers was sunk by their late disgraceful flight, 
and not only so, but that they were without disci- 
pline, and extremely licentious, he resolved, after 
mature deliberation, to remain inactive. 

44. At Rome, in the mean time, Caius Mami- 
iius Limetanus, one of thfe tribunes, proposed to 
the people to pass an ordinance, " for arraigning 
those by whose encouragement Jugurtha had dis- 
obeyed the decrees of the senate ; those who had 
received bribes from him, when sent as deputies, 
or trusted with the management of the war against 
him ; those who had restored him his elephants 
and deserters ; and also those who had taken on 
themselves to enter into any engagements with the 
enemy relating to peace or war." Such as were 
aimed at by this ordinance not daring openly to 
oppose it, some through their consciousness of 
guilt, others through fear of falling a sacrifice to 
the heat of party, professed to be pleased with the 
proceeding ; yet secretly endeavoured to prevent 
its passing, by means of their friends, especially 
the Latins and the other Italian allies. 

But it is almost incredible how zealous the 
people were on this occasion, and with what ea- 
gerness they voted, authorized, and passed the 
ordinance ; more indeed from hatred to the nobility, 
N2 



150 SALLUST ON THE 

against whom it was levelled, than from any re* 
gard to the welfare of the state ; so violent was 
the fury of party. 

While the rest were seized by fear, Marcus 
Scaurus, who had been the lieutenant and adviser 
of Bestia, during the rejoicings of the people, the 
flight of those of his party, and the distraction of 
the city, succeeded in getting himself named one 
of the three commissioners who were appointed 
by the ordinance of Mamilius to put it in execu- 
tion. The prosecution followed, and was managed 
with great severity and violence, to gratify the in- 
temperance and clamours of the people, who on 
this occasion displayed v their superiority with great 
insolence, as the nobility had often done. 

45. The distinction of the people and senate into 
opposite parties, with all the mischievous practices 
consequent on it, took its rise at Rome a few years 
before, and sprung from profound quiet, and the 
superabundance of those things on which men set 
the highest value. 

Before the destruction of Carthage, the people 
and senate jointly governed the state with equal 
moderation and harmony ; the citizens had no 
contests with one another on account of power and 
influence ; fear of their enemies kept the state in. 
good order :' but when this fear was removed, pride 
and corruption, the usual attendants of prosperity, 
broke in without control. So that peace, which 
they so ardently wished for in the time of war and 



1 Almost all the ancient writers agree in referring the decline of the 
Roman manners, and the ruin of those manly virtues which had raised 
the r: public to power and grandeur, to the overthrow of Carthage, in, 
which it so blindly exulted. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 151 

danger, when they obtained it, proved more fatal to 
them than either ; for the nobility began to convert 
their dignity into tyranny, the people their liberty 
into licentiousness ; and all, indeed, centring their 
views in themselves only, laboured to obtain as 
much power and property as they possibly could. 
Thus, while each party strove for the ascendency, 
the commonwealth was miserably rent. 

The faction of the nobility, however, prevailed ; 
for the authority of the people, being loose, and 
divided among a multitude, had less force ; so that 
all affairs, both at home and abroad, were managed 
by a few. They disposed of the treasury, prov- 
inces, magistracies, public dignities, and triumphs, 
The populace were oppressed by poverty and 
military service, while the generals, with a few 
great ones, engrossed all the spoils of victory : and 
even the parents and children of the soldiers were 
driven from their possessions, if they happened to 
border on the domain of any of the grandees. 
Thus did avarice, in conjunction with power, 
without moderation or restraint, invade, pollute, and 
lay waste every thing, disregarding what was just 
or sacred, till it rushed headlong to its own ruin: 
and if there arose among the nobility any who pre- 
ferred real glory to unjust power, the state was 
instantly convulsed, and discord raged with the 
fury of civil war. The concussion of the elements 
was not more tremendous. 

46. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, whose an* 
cestors had done signal service to the state, both 
in the Carthaginian and other wars, now first began 
to attempt the recovery of the people's rights, and 
to lay open the vices and crimes of men in power j 



152 SALLUST ON THE 

the nobility, conscious of their guilt, and under 
terrible apprehensions, endeavoured to defeat their 
designs, sometimes by means of our Italian allies 
and the states of Latium, and sometimes by means 
of the Roman knights, whom the hope of being 
admitted to a share in power with the nobility had 
drawn off from the interests of the people. First, 
Tiberius Gracchus, while tribune of the people, 
was cut off; and in a few years after Caius, who 
was zealously pursuing the measures of his brother, 
together with Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, both in- 
vested with the triumviral authority of planting 
colonies, also fell a victim. The Gracchi, indeed, 
through an eager desire of carrying their point, did 
not act with moderation ; they forgot the important 
principle, that it is better to yield to evil than to con- 
quer opposition by unlawful means. 

The nobility, employing the advantage they had 
now gained according to their own caprice and 
cruelty, put many citizens to death, banished others, 
and rendered themselves more terrible than more 
powerful ; a method of proceeding which has ruined 
many flourishing states ; while parties have endea- 
voured to conquer each other, and to treat the con- 
quered with the utmost cruelty. 

But were I to enter into a minute detail of the 
dissensions and animosities of the opposing parties,, 
the corruption and wickedness of a degenerate 
empire, and treat so copious a subject in its full 
extent, the task would indeed be endless. I return, 
therefore, to my narrative. 

47. After the treaty of Aulus and the das- 
tardly flight of our army, Metellus and Silanus, the 
consuls-elect, shared the provinces between them ♦, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 153 

and Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of spirit, 
untainted reputation, and equally esteemed by both 
parties, though hostile to the popular interest. 

As soon as Metellus entered on his office, he con- 
sidered that his colleague would take an equal 
share of all the other duties of the consulship, and 
employed his thoughts wholly on the war which he 
himself was to conduct. Accordingly, having little 
dependence on the Numidian army, he made his 
new levies; sent for auxiliaries from L all parts; 
provided arms, horses, and all other warlike imple- 
ments, with abundance of provisions; and, in a 
word, every thing necessary in a war exposed to 
various exigences, and which required great pru- 
dence and foresight. In making these preparations 
he was vigorously assisted by the senate, our allies, 
and states of Latium ; while foreign princes, of 
their own accord, sent him auxiliaries ; and, in 
short, the whole city supported him with the 
greatest zeal. When all things were furnished 
and regulated according to his wishes, he passed 
over into Numidia, leaving his fellow-citizens full 
of great hopes ; not only on account of his many 
excellent qualities, but chiefly because he had a 
soul never to be subdued Jby avarice ; for it was the 
insatiable avarice of our commanders that till this 
time had ruined our affairs in Numidia, and ren- 
dered the enemy successful. 

48. On his arrival in Africa, the army of the 
proconsul, Spurius Albinus, was delivered to him : 
but it was an army spiritless and unwarlike ; inca- 
pable of sustaining danger or fatigue ; valorous in 
words, but cowards in their hearts ; without any 
order or discipline ; and accustomed to plunder our 



154 SALLUST ON THE 

allies, while itself was the spoil of the enemy : so 
that the depravity of the soldiers occasioned the 
general more anxiety than their numbers gave him 
either support or confidence. But though Metellus^ 
saw that the summer was far advanced, from the 
postponement of the elections, and considered that 
his fellow-citizens were impatient for the issue ; yet 
he determined not to hazard an action till, by re- 
storing the ancient discipline, he had enabled the 
soldiers to endure fatigue : for Albinus, struck with 
the disgrace of his brother Aulus, and the over- 
throw of his troops, having resolved not to stir out 
of the province during that portion of the summer 
in which he commanded, kept the soldiers for the 
most part in the same camp, till the stench of the 
place, or want of forage, obliged him to remove. 
Besides, contrary to all the rules of war, no watch 
was kept in the camp ; the men left their ensigns at 
pleasure ; and the leaders, together with the sol- 
diers, wandered abroad day and night, robbing the 
farms, pillaging the fields, and striving to exceed 
each other in carrying off cattle and captives, which 
they exchanged with the merchants for wine and 
other articles of luxury ; nay, they even sold the 
corn that was allowed them by the state, and 
bought their bread from day to day. In a word, 
all the excesses of idleness and luxury that can 
either be expressed or imagined, prevailed in that 
corrupt and abandoned army. 

49. Metellus appears to have proved himself 
as able and wise a man, by the manner in which 
he cured these great disorders, as by his conduct 
against the enemy ; so just a medium did he 
observe between a servile desire to gain the affec- 



JUGURTJHNE WAR. 155 

tions of the soldiers, and a severity in punishing 
them. For by his first edict he removed every 
thing that could administer to idleness ; ordering, 
" that none should sell bread or any dressed victuals 
in the camp ; that no sutlers should follow the 
army ; and that no common soldier should have a 
servant, or any beast of burden, either in the camp 
or on a march." He made other regulations too 
with great judgment. Besides, he decamped daily, 
marching his army through cross and difficult 
places ; fortified his camp with a ditch and palisade, 
as if an enemy had been at hand ; set guards, and 
changed them often ; and went frequently round 
them all himself, attended by his lieutenants. On 
a march, too, he was equally vigilant, appearing 
one while in the front, another in the rear, and 
often in the main body ; to see that none quitted 
their ranks, that all kept close by their standards, 
and carried their own arms and provisions. 1 Thus 
in a short time he restored discipline and vigour to 
his troops, rather by preventing abuses than pun- 
ishing them. 

50. Jugurtha, in the mean time, having learned 
from his emissaries what measures were taken by 
Metellus, of whose integrity he had been con- 
vinced when at Rome, began to despair of suc- 
cess, and thought of surrendering himself in good 
earnest. Accordingly, he sent ambassadors to the 

l The weight which a Roman soldier carried, when equipped for a 
march, was prodigious : provisions for fifteen days, sometimes longer, 
and usually corn, as being the lightest sort ; labouring tools, and neces- 
sary utensils, such as a. saw, pickaxe, hook, basket, chain, camp-kettle, 
&c. ; usually three or four stakes, sometimes twelve; the whole 
amounting to no less than sixty pounds in weight. All this was exclu- 
sive of his arms, which made a vast addition : but these, says Cicero, a 
eoldier never considers a burden, as they are, like his shoulders,"hia 
bands, or the arms 6( his body, a part of himself. 



156 SALLUST ON THE 

consul, with power to deliver up all to the Romans* 
only stipulating for his own life and that of his chil- 
dren. But Metellus, who had learned by expe- 
rience that the Numidians were a faithless people, 
fickle in the extreme, and fond of change, cautiously 
applied to each of the ambassadors apart; and 
when, by sounding them, he found they were 
proper instruments for his purpose, he engaged 
them by great promises to deliver up Jugurtha to 
him, alive, if possible ; if not, to bring him his 
head : and his answer to their embassy he gave 
them in public. 

In a few days after, at the head of a resolute 
army, he entered Numidia, where he found none 
of the symptoms of war, but the houses full of 
inhabitants, flocks and herds feeding in the fields, 
and the husbandmen at work. The king's officers 
came from the towns and numerous villages to 
meet him, offering to furnish him with carriages 
and provisions, and, in a word, to place every thing 
at his disposal. Metellus, notwithstanding all this, 
was still on his guard ; marched with his ranks, as 
if the enemy had been at hand ; and sent scouts to 
view the surrounding country, looking on these 
marks of submission as a colour to disguise some 
exquisite stroke of perfidy, and to draw him into 
an ambush. 

He therefore marched always in the front of the 
army, with some light-armed cohorts, and a select 
body of slingers and archers ; leaving his lieu- 
tenant, Caius Marius, at the head of the cavalry to 
bring up the rear. The auxiliary horse he placed 
on each wing, and gave the command of them to- 
the tribunes of the legions and the praefects of the? 



JTJGT7RTHINE WAR, 157 

cohorts, mixing with them the light-armed foot, that 
the enemy's cavalry might be repulsed, on what- 
ever side they made their attack : for Jugurtha had 
so much subtlety, so perfect a knowledge of the 
country, and was so consummate a master of the 
military art, that it was uncertain whether he was 
more mischievous when at a distance or near, 
when making proposals for peace or openly en- 
gaged in war. 

51. Not far from Metellus's route there was a 
city called Vacca, the most celebrated for eom- 
. merce in all Numidia, much frequented by Italian 
merchants, who resorted to it for traffic, and many 
of whom had settled there- Here the consul 
thought fit to place a garrison, either to try the sin- 
cerity of Jugurtha, or because he was pleased with 
its local advantages ; and likewise ordered corn 
and other necessaries to be brought him ; supposing 
that his army would be abundantly supplied, front 
such a concourse of traders and such plenty of pro- 
visions ; and that the place itself would be very 
convenient for executing the designs he had already 
formed* 

In the mean time Jugurtha renewed his applica- 
tions to the consul with greater earnestness, still 
Sending ambassadors to implore peace, and offering 
to deliver up all he had, without stipulating for any 
thing but his own safety and that of his children. 
The consul, having engaged these ambassadors, 
like the others, to betray their master, sent them 
back without either acceding to or rejecting these 
pacific propositions in direct terms ; waiting, in 
the mean time, the execution of the task they had 
undertaken. 



158 SALLUST ON TKE 

52. When Jugurtha compared the professions 
of Metellus with his conduct, and found that his 
own arts were practised on himself; that while he 
was amused with the hopes of peace, he was 
warmly pursued with war ; when he saw that he 
had lost one of his strongest cities ; that the enemy 
was well acquainted with his territories, and his 
subjects solicited to revolt ; being forced by his 
desperate situation, he determined to hazard a battle* 
Accordingly, having gained intelligence of the 
enemy's route, and conceiving hopes of victory frofrn 
the advantages which the country gave him, he 
drew together all the force he could collect, and by 
raifrequented ways succeeded in getting before the 
army of Metellus. 

In that part of Numidia which, on the partition 
of the kingdom, fell to the share of Adherbal wag 
a river called Muthul, flowing from the south ; par- 
allel to which, at the distance of about twenty miles, 
was a mountain of equal length, desert and unculti- 
vated. Between this mountain and the river, almost 
at an equal distance from each, rose a hill of prodi- 
gious height, covered with olives, myrtles, and other 
trees, such as grow in a dry and sandy soil : the 
intermediate plain was uninhabitable for want of 
water, those parts only excepted which bordered on 
the river, in which were many groves, and abundance 
of cattle. 

53. Jugurtha took possession of this hill, which 
flanked the Romans in their march to the river, ex- 
tending his front as far as possible; and giving the 
command of the elephants and part of the infantry 
to Bomilcar, with orders how to act, he posted him- 
self with all the horse and the choicest of the foot 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 159 

nearer the mountain. Then he rode round the 
several squadrons and battalions, conjuring them 
" to summon up their former bravery, and, mindful 
of their late victory, to defend themselves and their 
country from Roman avarice. They were to engage 
with those whom they had already vanquished, and 
forced to pass under the yoke ; and who had only 
changed their general, but not their character. As 
for himself, he had done all that was incumbent on 
a general ; had secured to them the advantages of 
the ground, which they were well acquainted with, 
and to which the enemy were strangers ; and had 
taken care not to expose them to an unequal contest 
with an enemy superior in number or skill : they 
should, therefore, when the signal was given, fall 
vigorously on the Romans ; that day would either 
crown their former toils and victories, or be a prelude 
to the most grievous calamities." Besides, address- 
ing himself singly to such as he had rewarded with 
honours or money for their gallant behaviour, he 
reminded them of his liberality, and proposed them 
to others as patterns for their imitation. In a word, 
he appealed to all, in a manner suited to the dis- 
position and character of each, and by promises, 
threatenings, and entreaties, laboured to excite 
their courage. 

In the mean time Metellus, descending from the 
mountain with his army, without any knowledge of 
the enemy's motions, discovered them on the hill. 
At first he was doubtful what to think of so strange 
an appearance ; for the Numidian horse and foot 
were posted among the bushes, by reason of the 
lowness of which they were neither altogether 
covered nor yet entirely discernible. The rugged 
nature of the place, united to the artifice with which 



160 SAIXUST ON THE 

the whole was conducted, gave ample room for 
suspicion ; but soon finding that it was an ambush, 
the general halted his army, and altering the dispo- 
sition of it, made the flank next the enemy thrice as 
strong as before, distributed the slingers and archers 
among the infantry, placed all the cavalry in the 
wings ; and animating them by a short speech 
suitable to the occasion, advanced, in this order, 
towards the plain. 

54. Observing the Numidians to keep their 
ground, without offering to quit their station, and 
fearing that from the heat of the season and the 
scarcity of water his army would be distressed by 
thirst, Metellus ordered his lieutenant Rutilius, with 
the light-armed cohorts and a detachment of horse, 
to proceed towards the river, and secure a place to 
encamp on ; judging that the enemy would, by fre- 
quent skirmishes, and attacks on his flank, endea- 
vour to retard his march, and to harass his men 
by means of thirst and fatigue, as they could en- 
tertain no hope of success in battle. He then ad- 
vanced slowly, as his circumstances and situation 
allowed him, in the same order as he had de- 
scended from the mountain ; posting Marius in the 
centre, and marching himself in the left wing, at 
the head of the cavalry, which was now become 
the front. 

Jugurtha, when he saw that the Eoman rear ex-» 
tended beyond his first rank, detached two thousand 
foot to take possession of that part of the moun- 
tain from which Metellus had descended, that it 
might not serve the Romans for a place of secu^ 
rity if they were routed ; and then, giving the sig-* 
pal, suddenly fell on them. 

3ome of the Numidians made great slaughter 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 161 

in our rear, while others charged us on the right 
and left: they advanced furiously, fought vigor- 
ously, and every where broke our ranks. Even 
those of our men who opposed them with the great- 
est firmness and resolution were baffled by their 
disorderly manner of fighting ; finding themselves 
wounded from a distance, and unable to return the 
blow, or come to a close engagement : for the Nu- 
midian cavalry, according to the instructions they 
had received from Jugurtha, when any of the Ro- 
man troops advanced against them, immediately 
fled, not in close order, or in a body, buf dispersed 
as widely as possible. As they could not by these 
means discourage us from the pursuit, yet, being 
superior in number, they charged us either in flank 
or rear ; and when it appeared more convenient to 
fly to the hill than the plain, the Numidian horses, 
being accustomed to it, made their way more easily 
through the thickets ; while the Roman trooper, 
unaccustomed to such rough and difficult places, 
was unable to follow them. 

55. The whole field presented a distressing 
spectacle, full of doubt and perplexity, and wild 
disorder ; some flying, others pursuing : all sepa- 
rated from their fellows : no standard followed ; 
no ranks preserved ; every one standing on his 
own defence, and repulsing his adversary, wher- 
ever he was attacked ; arms and darts, horses and 
men, enemies and fellow-citizens, blended together 
in wild confusion. In this scene of distraction, all 
order was at an end: chance ruled supreme, and 
guided the tumult : so that though the day was 
already far spent, the issue of the contest was 
gtill uncertain. 

03 



162 SALLTJST ON THE 






At length, both sides being oppressed with fatigue 
and the heat of the day, Metellus, perceiving the 
Numidian vigour abate, rallied his men by degrees, 
restored their ranks, and posted four legionary co- 
horts against the enemy's foot, a great part of which 
had, through weariness, retired to the rising grounds 
for repose. At the same time he entreated and 
exhorted his men not to lose their courage, nor 
suffer a flying enemy to be victorious ; adding, that 
they had no intrenchment or stronghold to which 
they could retire, but that all their hopes were in 
their arms and valour. 

Nor was Jugurtha in the mean time inactive, but 
appeared on horseback, animated his men, renewed 
the battle, and, at the head of a select body, made 
every possible effort; supported his men where 
they were pressed ; charged the Romans vigorously 
where they seemed to waver ; and where they stood 
firm annoyed them with darts from a distance. 

56, Thus did the two generals contend for glory ; 
both officers of consummate ability, but differently 
situated, and as unequally supported. Metellus had 
brave men, but a bad situation ; Jugurtha had every 
other advantage but that of soldiers. At last the 
Romans, considering that no place of refuge was 
left them; that the enemy avoided every attempt 
to bring them to a regular engagement, and that 
night was fast approaching ; advanced up the hill, 
according to orders, and made themselves masters 
of it. The Numidians, having lost this post, 
were routed and put to flight, but few of them 
slain : their own swiftness, and the nature of the 
country, with which our men were miacquainted f 
saved most of them. 



JUGX7RTHINE WAR. 163 

In the mean time Bomilcar, to whom Jugurtha, 
as already stated, had given the command of the 
elephants and part of the infantry, when he saw 
that Rutilius had passed him, drew down his men 
slowly into the plain ; where, without interruption, 
he drew them up in order of battle, as the exi- 
gency required, while the lieutenant was marching 
in great haste to the river : nor did he neglect to 
watch the motions and to learn the designs of the 
Romans. On receiving intelligence that Rutilius 
was encamped, and appeared to consider himself 
in a state of security, Bomilcar, perceiving that 
the noise of the battle in which Jugurtha was en- 
gaged still increased, and fearing lest the lieuten- 
ant should return to reinforce the consul, resolved 
to obstruct his passage ; and, extending the front 
of his line, which before, distrustful of the steadi- 
ness of his troops, he had formed close and com- 
pact, in this order advanced to the camp of Rutilius. 

57. The Romans on a sudden perceived a vast 
eloud of dust, which at first they conjectured to be 
raised by the wind sweeping over an arid and sandy 
surface ; for the country was covered on all sides 
with copse wood, which obstructed their view of 
the Numidians ; but observing the cloud to move 
with regularity, and approach nearer and nearer, 
as the Numidians marched forward, they perceived 
the cause of the phenomenon; and, flying to their 
arms, drew up before the camp, according to or- 
ders. When the enemy came up, a tremendous 
shout was raised on both sides, and they rushed 
with fury to the onset. 

The Numidians maintained the contest as long 
m they thought their elephants could be of any 



164 SALLUST ON THE 

service to them ; but when they saw them entan- 
gled among the branches of the trees, and sur- 
rounded by the Romans, they betook themselves 
to flight, and, throwing away their arms, escaped, 
most of them unhurt, partly by the advantage of 
the hill, and partly by favour of the night. Fouir 
elephants were taken ; the rest, forty in number* 
were all slain. 

The Romans, however, though much exhausted 
by their march, by fortifying their camp, and by 
the late unexpected encounter, were flushed with 
success ; and, as Metellus tarried beyond their ex-* 
pectation, they advanced resolutely in order of 
battle to meet him : for such was the subtlety of 
the Numidians, as to leave no room for inactivity 
or remissness. When the heads of the columns 
nearly approached each other, in the darkness of 
the night, the noise on both sides occasioned mu- 
tual apprehensions of an approaching enemy: and 
this mistake had well nigh produced the most fatal 
consequences, had not some horsemen, despatched 
by both parties, discovered the true cause of it. 
Mutual congratulations quickly succeeded to ap- 
prehension ; the soldiers joyfully called to one an- 
other by name ; recounted their late exploits, every 
one extolling his own gallant behaviour : for such 
is the nature of human affairs, that when victory 
is obtained, cowards may boast ; while defeat casts 
reproach even on the brave. 

58. Metellus continued four days in the same 
camp ; administered relief to the wounded ; con- 
ferred the usual military rewards on such as had 
distinguished themselves in the late engagements ; 
commended the whole army, which Jie assembled 



JUGURTH1NE WAR. 165 

with that view ; returned them his public thanks ; 
and exhorted them " to act with equal courage in 
what farther remained, which was but little. They 
had already fought sufficiently for victory; their 
future labours would be only to enrich themselves 
by the spoils of conquest." 

In the mean time, however, he despatched de- 
serters and others acquainted with the country, to 
discover the retreat of Jugurtha; what were his 
plans ; whether he was at the head of an army, 
or attended only by a few ; and how he brooked 
his defeat. The king, he found, had retired into 
woods and places fortified by nature, and raised an 
army more numerous than the former, but weak 
and spiritless ; better acquainted with tillage and 
pasture than with war : the reason of which 
was, that on a defeat none of the Numidians fol- 
low their king excepting his body-guard ; the rest 
immediately disperse. 1 Nor is this reckoned any 
reproach, it being the custom of the nation. 

Metellus, when he saw that the king's spirit 
was still undaunted, that the war was to be renewed, 
which could not be carried on but at the will of 
Jugurtha; and moreover considered the unequal 
terms on which he engaged the enemy, who suf- 
fered less by a defeat than the Romans had done 
by victory ; he resolved to change his plan, and 
avoid regular actions. Accordingly, he marched 
into the richest parts of Numidia; ravaged the 
country ; took many towns and castles, that were 



l This custom was by no means peculiar to the Numidians. The 
Old Testament ascribes the same conduct to the Israelites ; Herodotus, 
|o most of the Asiatic tribes ; Herodian to the Parthians ; Thucydidea 
to £he Illyrians ; and Tacitus records it as well known to the Germans*, 



166 SALLUST ON THE 

either slightly fortified or without garrisons, and 
burnt them; ordered the youth to be put to the 
sword, and delivered every thing up to the sol- 
diers for spoil. 

This mode of warfare produced such terror, that 
many hostages were sent to him ; corn and other 
necessaries were plentifully supplied ; and garri- 
sons suffered to be placed wherever the consul 
thought fit. These measures alarmed the king 
more than the loss of the late battle ; for he, who 
had no hope but in flying before us, was now forced 
to follow us ; and though he could not defend his 
own territories, he was obliged to wage war in 
those possessed by the Romans. Under this diffi- 
culty, however, he pursued such measures as 
seemed most advisable. He ordered the greatest 
part of his army to continue together, while he 
himself, with a select body of cavalry, pursued 
Metellus ; and by marching in the night-time 
through by-roads, he surprised such of our men 
as were rambling over the country ; most of whom, 
being unarmed, were slain ; many were taken pris- 
oners, and none escaped without being wounded. 
For before any assistance could be sent them from 
the camp, the Numidians had, according to orders, 
retired to the neighbouring hills. 

59. In the mean time, great joy was manifested 
at Rome when intelligence was received of the 
success of Metellus ; how he had conducted him- 
self and his army according to the ancient disci- 
pline ; and had, by his bravery, come off victorious, 
though under the disadvantage of situation; had 
made himself master of the enemy's country, and 
forced Jugurtha, whom the infamous conduct of 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 16T 

Aultis had lately rendered so insolent, to place all 
his hopes of safety in flight to his native deserts. 
The senate, therefore, appointed public thanks- 
givings and oblations to the immortal gods for the 
success of their arms. The city, before full of 
anxiety for the event of the war, was now filled 
with joy, and nothing was to be heard but the 
praises of Metellus ; which made him exert more 
vigorous efforts to obtain a complete victory: 
with which view he pushed all his measures with 
the utmost diligence, still guarding, however, 
against any surprise from the enemy ; yet remem- 
bering, that after glory comes envy. Success 
seemed to invigorate, not to relax his vigilance ; 
nor* since the late unexpected attack from Jugurtha, 
would he suffer his men to spread themselves over 
the country in quest of plunder. When he stood 
in need of corn or forage, he detached his cavalry, 
with some bands of foot to support them. One 
part of the army he commanded himself, Marius 
the other ; and the country was thus laid waste 
more by fire and sword than by depredations. 

The two bodies of the army encamped sepa- 
rately, but at a short distance from each other, 
that they might the more readily unite, if neces- 
sary ; but in order to spread terror and desolation 
the wider, they acted apart. Jugurtha all this 
time followed his course along the mountains, 
watching some favourable opportunity or situation 
to attack them ; and whenever he could gain intel- 
ligence of their route, he destroyed the forage and 
poisoned the springs, of the latter of which there 
was great scarcity. One while he presented him- 
self to Metellus, another to Marius ; sometimes he 



;.t68 SALLUST ON THE 

fell on their rear, and then suddenly drew off to 
the hills ; by-and-by he attacked them again, first 
in one quarter, then in another ; neither venturing 
a battle, nor suffering them to remain inactive ; but 
only endeavouring to frustrate the execution of 
their designs. 

60. When the Roman general perceived that he 
was harassed by the artful management of the 
enemy, who avoided all occasions of giving him 
battle, he determined to lay siege to Zama, a very 
important city, and the bulwark of the kingdom on 
that side ; supposing that Jugurtha would not fail 
to advance to the relief of his subjects in distress, 
and that an engagement would consequently ensue. 
But Jugurtha, having gainbd intelligence of this 
design from the deserters, reached Zama by rapid 
marches before Metellus ; encouraged the inhabit- 
ants to defend their walls, and reinforced the gar- 
rison with a body of deserters, who were the most 
desperate of all his forces, as they durst not be- 
tray him. 1 He moreover promised that he would 
return in due time to their assistance, at the head 
of an army. 

Having thus regulated his affairs, he withdrew 
into the most solitary parts of the country ; and 
soon after learning that Marius, with a few cohorts, 
was despatched from the army as it marched, to 
obtain provisions from Sicca, which was the first 
town that revolted from him after his defeat, he 
Went thither by night with a select body of horse,* 



1 The Romans inflicted very severe punishments on deserters when? 
i hey came into their power; such as cutting off their hands or arms? 
beheading, crucifying, or scourging them to death, and, in later fcime% 
exposing them to wild boasts, 



JUGURTHINE WAR, 1 69 

and attacked the Romans just as they were return- 
ing through the gate. At the same time he called 
aloud to the inhabitants, " to fall on the cohorts in 
the rear ; that fortune presented them with an op- 
portunity of performing a noble achievement, by 
which he should for the future enjoy his kingdom, 
and they their liberties in safety." And had not 
Marius advanced the standards, and speedily got 
clear of the town, the greater part of the inhabit- 
ants, if not all, would probably have gone over to 
their former master ; such is the inconstancy of the 
Numidians. But Jugurtha's troops, who, animated 
by him, had for a short time maintained the con- 
flict, finding themselves pressed by the Romans 
with superior vigour, fled, with the loss of a few 
of their number, and Marius arrived before Zama. 

61. This town was built on a plain ; better for- 
tified by art than nature ; well furnished with every 
thing necessary ; and abounding with men and 
arms. Metellus, having made such arrangements 
as the occasion and undertaking required, sur- 
rounded it with his army ; assigned to his lieuten- 
ants their several posts of command ; and then, on 
a signal given, a great shout was raised at once 
from all quarters. This, however, did not terrify 
the Numidians, who waited the attack without dis- 
order, full of ardour and resolution. Accordingly, 
the encounter began ; our men fought each accord- 
ing to his inclination ; some at a distance, with 
stones and slings ; some withdrew after they had 
attacked, and others came in their place ; one while 
they undermined the walls, another they endea- 
voured to scale them ; all eager to engage the 
enemy in close combat. The inhabitants, on the 

Sal.— P 



1?0 



SALLTJST ON THE 



other hand, rolled down enormous stones on those 
who were nearest the walls ; and discharged 
darts, stakes, and burning torches of pitch and 
sulphur on them. Nor did those of our men who, 
less resolute than the rest, declined the nearer con- 
flict, experience more security ; most of them be- 
ing wounded by weapons thrown by engines, or 
by force of arm. So that the dastardly were ex- 
posed to equal danger with the brave, without 
sharing their glory. 

62. During this contest at Zama, Jugurtha, at 
the head of a considerable force, surprised the Ro- 
man camp, and through the negligence of the guard, 
who apprehended nothing less than a hostile attack, 
broke in at one of the gates. Our men, struck with 
sudden consternation, consulted their safety, each 
according to his character : some fled, others had 
recourse to their arms, and many of them were 
wounded or slain. Of the whole number, forty 
only acted like Romans : they, forming themselves 
into a body, took possession of some rising ground, 
which they maintained against the most vigorous 
efforts of the enemy to dispossess them; and even 
returned the darts that were thrown at them, which 
did the more execution, as they were few against 
many. If the Numidians ventured nearer them, 
they then exerted their utmost valour; slaying, 
routing, and putting them to flight. 

In this juncture, while Metellus was carrying on 
the siege of Zama with great vigour, he heard a 
noise and shouting in the rear, like that of an 
enemy ; and turning his horse, observed men flying 
towards him, a certain indication that they belonged 
to the Roman army. He therefore immediately 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 171 

sent the whole cavalry to the camp ; and soon after 
Marius with the auxiliary cohorts, conjuring him 
with tears, "by their mutual friendship, by his 
regard to the public welfare, not to suffer such a 
stain to rest on a victorious army, nor the enemy 
to escape without taking ample vengeance on 
them." 

Marius executed his orders with promptitude and 
effect ; and Jugurtha now found himself and his 
Numidians embarrassed in our intrenchments. 
Some threw themselves over the palisades ; the 
rest, striving to force through the narrow passes 
and defiles of the camp, obstructed one another; 
so that after the loss of many men, they betook 
themselves to the mountains. Metellus, unsuc- 
cessful in his attempt on the town, returned in the 
evening with his army to the camp. 

63. The next day, before he returned to renew 
the assault, he posted all his horse without the 
camp, with orders to guard that side on which he 
expected Jugurtha w T ouid appear ; and having dis- 
tributed the guard of the gates and the adjoining 
posts among the tribunes, he advanced to the town, 
on which he made a vigorous assault, as he had 
done the preceding day. 

Jugurtha, in the mean time, leaving his covert, 
fell suddenly on our front. Those of the advanced 
guard were thrown into disorder, but were quickly 
relieved by the rest ; so that the Numidians could 
not have maintained their ground, had not their in- 
fantry, mixing with the horsemen, done great exe- 
cution among us : for the latter, trusting to the 
assistance of the infantry, did not charge as for- 
merly, advancing and retiring by turns, but pressed 



172 SALLUST ON THE 

forward with great vigour, grappled with our men, 
and broke their ranks ; then left them, when almost 
exhausted, to be despatched by their light-armed 
infantry. 

64. The conflict at Zama, during this affair, was 
maintained with obstinate resolution : the lieuten- 
ants and tribunes made prodigious efforts at their 
several posts ; all placing their hopes of victory in 
their own bravery, rather than in the assistance of 
others. The garrison made a vigorous resistance, 
boldly repulsing our men, and defending themselves 
. resolutely in every quarter. Careless of themselves, 
attention on either side seemed absorbed in the 
superior ambition of galling the enemy. Confused 
and dissonant sounds were heard ; cries of anima- 
tion, shouts of joy, and groans of despair : arms 
fiercely clashed : darts fell thick on every side ; 
and the furious, wild, and mingled uproar rent 
the air. 

Those who defended the walls, when they found 
the ardour of the besiegers abate, viewed the en- 
gagement of the cavalry with great earnestness ; 
and according as Jugurtha prevailed or not, their 
countenances were seen to vary ; hope and fear 
alternately took their turn ; and, as if they could 
have been heard or seen by their countrymen, some 
essayed to direct, others to encourage them, making 
signs with their hands, and moving their bodies, as 
though they were in reality darting the javelin, or 
stepping aside to avoid the blow. 

When Marius, who commanded in that quarter, 
observed this circumstance, he ordered his division 
to slacken the attack, as if he had lost all hope of 
success, and suffered the Nuniidians to view the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 173 

engagement at the camp without interruption. Then, 
while their attention was closely engaged, he made 
a sudden and vigorous assault on the ramparts ; 
and the soldiers had almost gained the top of them 
with their scaling ladders, when the Numidians, 
flying to their defence, poured down on the be- 
siegers stones, fire, and every sort of weapon. Our 
troops sustained all this for a time ; but some of the 
ladders breaking down, and those who stood on 
them tumbling headlong to the ground, the rest 
retreated, each as he could, the greater number 
covered with wounds, and few or none escaping 
unhurt. Night at length put an end to the 
combat. 

65. Metellus, finding that his attempt on the 
town was unsuccessful ; that Jugurtha was deter* 
mined not to engage, unless by surprise, or where 
he had the advantage of the ground ; and that the 
summer was now spent ; raised the siege of Zama, 
and placed garrisons in those places which had 
been reduced, and were strong by nature or well 
fortified ; and marched his army into winter- 
quarters in those parts of the province that bor- 
dered on Numidia. 

Nor did he spend his time there, as others had 
done, in luxury and inaction ; but finding he had 
as yet made but little progress, he formed a design 
to defeat the king by employing the treachery of 
his friends against him instead of arms. He ac- 
cordingly addressed himself to Bomilcar, who had 
been at Rome with Jugurtha, and being arraigned 
for the murder of Massiva, had escaped from jus- 
tice, and abandoned his sureties. This man, who 
enjoyed the greatest share of the king's confidence, 
P2 



174 SALLUST ON THE 

and was the fittest instrument for a stroke of per- 
fidy, Metellus prevailed on, by magnificent prom- 
ises, to come first to a private conference with him; 
then, pledging his honour, " that if he would deliver 
to him Jugurtha, dead or alive, he would procure 
him his pardon from the senate, with the enjoy- 
ment of his whole fortune ;" he easily prevailed 
with the Numidian, who was naturally faithless, 
and justly apprehended that if a peace were con- 
cluded with the Romans, he should, by the articles 
of it, be delivered up to punishment. 

66. Bomilcar soon seized an opportunity of car- 
rying his design into execution. Finding Jugurtha 
sunk in despondency, and lamenting his fortune, 
he conjured him with tears in his eyes, " to con- 
sult at last his own safety, that of his children, and 
the Numidians, who had been so zealously devoted 
to his service. He besought him to reflect, that he 
had been defeated in every engagement ; that his 
country was laid waste ; many of his subjects 
taken, many slain ; the strength of his kingdom 
exhausted ; that he had already sufficiently tried 
the bravery of his troops and the inclination of 
fortune, and ought now to take care lest the Nu- 
midians, while he thus deliberated, should provide 
for their own safety. 

By these and the like arguments he prevailed 
on the king to surrender ; and accordingly ambas- 
sadors were sent to Metellus, to declare that Ju- 
gurtha was ready to submit to whatever he should 
desire, and to deliver himself and his kingdom ab- 
solutely to his disposal. Metellus immediately 
ordered all those of senatorial rank to be summoned 
from their cantonments, and advised with them, and 



JUGXJRTHINE WAR. 175 

Others whom he thought proper to consult on the 
occasion, according to ancient usage. Then, agree- 
ably to an order of the council, he sent deputies to 
Jugurtha, commanding him " to deliver up to the 
Romans two hundred thousand pounds of silver, 
all his elephants, and a complement of horses and 
arms." This being immediately complied with, 
he demanded, "that all the deserters should be 
brought him in chains." The greater number of 
them were brought in accordingly ; the rest, but 
few in number, had fled for refuge to Bocchus, 
king of Mauritania, on the first symptoms of a sur- 
render. 

"When Jugurtha, thus stripped of his arms, men, 
and money, was himself summoned to Tisidium to 
surrender to the consul, his restless spirit began to 
waver ; his deeds of atrocity came fresh into his 
mind, and he trembled at the prospect of a just 
retribution. Many days were consumed in delay 
and irresolution : one while he preferred any terms 
to the continuance of war, a crowd of disasters ad- 
monishing him that it was the worst of calamities ; 
another, he considered the terrible descent from a 
throne to slavery : but at length he determined to 
renew the war, although needlessly divested of so 
considerable a portion of his resources. The 
senate at Rome, too, having met to deliberate con- 
cerning the provinces, had, during this juncture, 
again decreed Numidia to Metellus. 

67. About the same time Marius happened to be 
at Utica, and as he was sacrificing to the gods, the 
augur announced to him, " that great and wonderful 
things were presaged to him : he should therefore 
pursue whatever designs he had formed, and trust 



176 SALLUST ON THE 

to the gods; he might push his fortune to the 
utmost, regardless of difficulty, and confident of 
success." 

Marius had been long seized with an ardent desire 
of the consulship, and possessed every qualification 
for obtaining it, except that of noble descent : he 
had industry, probity, consummate skill in war, and 
an intrepid spirit in battle : he displayed a model of 
temperance ; and, completely master of his pas- 
sions, looked with indifference on wealth and 
pleasure ; but was covetous of renown, and pos- 
sessed an insatiable thirst of glory. He was born 
at Arpinum, where he passed his childhood ; and 
from the time that he was capable of bearing arms, 
took no delight in the study of Grecian eloquence, 
nor in the luxurious manners of Rome, but entered 
with ardour on the military life ; and thus, in a short 
time, by a proper course of discipline, acquired a 
masterly knowledge in the art of war ; so that 
when he first solicited from the people the military 
tribuneship, although his person was unknown, his 
character obtained it by the unanimous suffrages 
of all the tribes. From this time he rose still 
higher in public favour ; and in every office which 
he filled, still rendered himself worthy of greater 
dignity. Yet Marius, with all his merit, till this 
time (for ambition afterward fatally urged him to 
the wildest excesses) had not ventured to offer 
himself for the consulship : for though the people 
at that period conferred all the other offices, that of 
consul was engrossed by the nobility ; and the 
most renowned or distinguished by merit, unsup- 
ported by birth, were reckoned by them unworthy 
of the Supreme magistracy. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 177 

68. Marius, perceiving that the prediction of the 
augur was agreeable to his own inclinations, peti- 
tioned Metellus for leave to visit Rome, as a can- 
didate for the consulship. Metellus, though distin- 
guished for his virtue and honour, and other desirable 
qualities, yet possessed a haughty and disdainful 
spirit, the common vice of the nobility : struck with 
so extraordinary a request, he therefore expressed 
surprise at his designs, and cautioned him, as in 
friendship, not to entertain such unreasonable 
views, nor suffer his mind to be exalted above his 
station. To all men, he observed, the same objects 
could not be the aim of reasonable ambition ; add- 
ing, that Marius ought to be contented with his 
present fortune ; and, in a word, that he should 
take care not to demand from the Roman people 
what they might justly refuse. After these and 
the like remonstrances, the consul still found Marius 
steady to his purpose, and promised to comply with 
his request as soon as it was consistent with the 
public service ; and as he still continued to urge 
his petition, Metellus is reported to have told him, 
u that it was needless to be in such a hurry, as it 
would be time enough for him to think of standing 
for the consulship when his son should be of age 
to join with him." This youth was then about 
twenty years of age, and serving under his father 
without any command. 

This fired Marius with a more ardent desire of 
obtaining the consulship, and highly incensed him 
against Metellus .; so that he blindly followed the 
dictates of ambition and resentment, the most per- 
nicious of counsellors. He did and said every 
thing that could promote his views ; gave greater 



178 SALLUST ON THE 

liberty to the soldiers under his command than for- 
merly ; inveighed severely to our merchants, then 
in great numbers atUtica, against Metellus's manner 
of conducting the war ; and boasted of himself, 
" that were but half the army under his own com- 
mand, he would in a few days have Jugurtha in 
chains ; that the consul prolonged the war on pur- 
pose, by being a vain man, possessed of kingly 
pride, and intoxicated with the love of command." 
This was the more readily believed by the mer- 
chants, as they had suffered in their fortunes by the 
long continuance of the war ; and to an impatient 
spirit no measures appear sufficiently expeditious. 
69. There was, besides, in our army a certain 
Numidian named Gauda, the son of Manastabal, 
and grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa had 
appointed next heir to his immediate successors ; 
one whose bodily disorders had impaired the facul- 
ties of his mind. This man had applied to Metellus 
for a seat, on public occasions, next to the consular 
chair, 1 and likewise for a troop of Roman horse for 
his guard, and was denied both : the seat, because 
it was conferred on none but those whom the 
Roman people distinguished with the title of kings ; 
and the troop, because it would be an affrqnt to the 
Roman horse to be the body-guards of a Numidian. 
This double refusal filled his mind with discontent, 
in the height of which Marius accosted him, 
prompted him to seek revenge for the insults offered 
him by the Roman general, and voluntarily tendered 
his own assistance. By soothing speeches he 
wrought on the imagination of this man, whose 

i In the camp, the general had his chair of state, corresponding nearly 
y> the curule chair of the civil magistrate. 



JUGtJRTHINE WAR. 17{! 

faculties were weakened by disease and a high 
conceit of his own dignity, extolling him " as a 
prince, a person of great importance, the grandson 
of Masinissa ; one who would forthwith possess 
the kingdom of Numidia, were Jugurtha once cap- 
tured or slain, which would speedily happen, were 
he himself made consul, and intrusted with the 
management of the war." 

By such intrigues, not only Gauda, but the Roman 
knights, soldiers, and traders, were all engaged,- 
stfme by Marius, most of them by their hopes of 
an immediate peace, to write to their friends afc 
Rome concerning the operations of the war, to 
reprobate the measures of Metellus, and to desire' 
that Marius might be appointed to the command of 
the army. 

Thus was the consulship solicited for him by 
great numbers of men, in a manner highly honour- 
able. The people, too, having at this juncture 
given a deep wound to the power of the nobility by 
theMamilianlaw,were proceeding to raise plebeians 
to the chief magistracies ; so that every thing 
favoured the views of Marius. 

70. Jugurtha, in the mean time, having aban- 
doned all idea of a surrender, and renewed the war^ 
determined to prosecute it with the utmost diligence 
and despatch. He raised an army ; endeavoured,' 
by threats or promises, to recover the cities which 
had revolted ; fortified those places he Still held y 
manufactured or purchased arms and warlike 
stores, in the room of those which he Had given up 
in the hope of obtaining peace ; solicited the Roman 
slaves to join him ; tempted with bribes those who* 
were in the garrisons ; in a word, he left nothing 



180 SAIXUST ON THE 

unattempted ; raised commotions every where, and 
pushed every possible measure. 

In consequence of these efforts, the principal 
inhabitants of Vacca, where Metellus had placed a 
garrison on the first proposals made by Jugurtha 
for a peace, being wearied out with the king's 
importunities, and indeed unalienated from him in 
their affections, entered into a conspiracy for 
betraying the city. The populace were, as in all 
countries, and more especially so in Numidia, in- 
constant, seditious, fond of innovations, and enemies 
to tranquillity and repose. 

Having concerted their scheme, they fixed on the 
third day following for the execution of it ; because, 
that being a festival, to be celebrated throughout all 
Africa, was thought a more proper season to inspire 
mirth and jollity, than fear and distrust. When the 
day came, the conspirators invited the centurions, 
the military tribunes, and Titus Turpilius Silanus, 
the governor of the city, to their several houses, 
and basely murdered them all, in the midst of the 
banquet, except Turpilius ; after which they fell on 
the soldiers, who, as it was a day of rejoicing, were 
dispersed over the town, without their arms, and 
under no command. The populace joined them, 
some of whom were previously instructed by the no- 
bility, and others urged on by their own savage fero- 
city, highly pleased with the tumult, though ignorant 
of the motives of those who had planned the massacre. 

71. The Roman soldiers were seized with con- 
sternation ; and in the first moments of doubt and 
disorder hurried in great confusion to the citadel,, 
where their standards and shields were deposited ; 
but found it guarded by the enemy. The gates too 
were shut, to prevent their escape ; and to heighten 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 181 

their calamity, the women and children with great 
fury poured down on them, from the tops of the 
houses, stones and whatever else came to their 
hands. Being thus beset with danger in various 
shapes, without being able to guard against it, and 
the bravest men incapable of resisting the weakest 
adversaries, the worthless and the worthy, the brave 
and the cowardly, perished alike unrevenged. Dur- 
ing so direful a massacre, while the Numidians 
exercised the utmost rage and cruelty, and the city 
was shut on all sides, Turpilius the governor was 
the only Italian who escaped unhurt ; but whether 
this was owing to the compassion of his host, to 
private compact, or accident, does not clearly 
appear ; but however it might have been, he must 
be considered as a worthless and infamous wretch, 
who, inrso great a calamity to the state, preferred 
an inglorious life to unsullied honour. 

Metellus was so deeply afflicted when he heard 
of the tragical fate of the garrison of Vacca, that 
he did not appear in public for a time ; but indigna- 
tion mixing with his grief, he made all possible 
haste to revenge the injury. He accordingly 
assembled his own legion, with as many light-armed 
Numidian cavalry as he could collect ; and march- 
ing about sunset, at the head of this detachment, he 
arrived next morning, about the third hour, at a place 
enclosed on all sides with small eminences. But 
the soldiers, being fatigued with the length of their 
march, and refusing to obey farther orders, he 
assured them that the town of Vacca was more 
than a mile distant ; and that it became them pa- 
tiently to endure the fatigue, to surmount difficulties, 
and to take vengeance for the death of their fellow- 

Sal.— Q 



182 SALLUST ON THE 

citizens, the bravest of men, who had been inhu- 
manly massacred. He likewise offered them the 
whole plunder as the reward of their labours ; and 
having thus roused their courage, placed the cavalry 
in front, ordering them to extend themselves as 
widely as possible, and the infantry to march in 
close array, concealing their standards. 

72. The inhabitants of Vacca, observing an 
army marching towards them, rightly concluded 
that Metellus was at hand, and accordingly shut 
their gates ; but when they saw that they abstained 
from pillage, and that those in front were Numidian 
horse, they imagined it was Jugurtha, and went out 
with great joy to meet him. Our horse and foot, 
on a signal being given, immediately fell on them ; 
some cut off the rabble that poured out of the city 
in great numbers ; others hastened to secure the 
gates ; and part seized on the towers : their thirst 
of vengeance, and the hope of plunder, causing 
them to forget their weariness. Thus the people 
of Vacca triumphed only for two days in their 
treachery ; and their city, which was great and 
opulent, was delivered up wholly to the fury of our 
soldiers, eager for vengeance and rapine. 

Turpilius, the late governor of the city, who, as 
already related, escaped singly from the massacre, 
was summoned before Metellus to answer for his 
conduct; but his defence proving unsatisfactory, 
he was condemned, sentenced to be scourged, and 
then put to death; 1 a punishment inflicted on him 
as;a citizen of Latium. 2 

1 By the Valerian and Porcian laws, exile was substituted for death, as 
the highest punishment that could be inflicted on a Roman citizen ; but it 
does not appear that the benefit of those extended either to citizens of 
Latium or yet to Roman citizens while under military authority. 

2 gallust has been accused of suppressing, forfc culpable purpose, Cer- 



JTJGURTHINE WAR. 183 

73. About this time Bomilcar, who had insti- 
gated Jugurtha to the proposal of a surrender, of 
which his own fears had hindered the execution, 
was very desirous of effecting a revolution, as the 
king and himself were filled with mutual distrust of 
each other. He was accordingly contriving plots 
for Jugurtha' s destruction, both day and night ; and, 
after revolving a variety of schemes in his mind, he 
engaged Nabdalsa as his associate in the enterprise. 
Nabdalsa was a Numidian of noble birth, who, on 
account of his extraordinary wealth, possessed great 
power and influence among his countrymen. By 
Jugurtha this man was usually intrusted with the 
command of a separate army. In every enterprise 
he was a useful commander, where the prince him- 
self, worn out with fatigue, or occupied with objects 
of greater moment, was obliged to act by a dele- 
gated authority ; and hence the figure and opulence 
of this favourite. 

A day was agreed on by Bomilcar and Nabdalsa 
for the execution of the plot, and all other measures 
were left to be regulated as occasion should require : 
on which Nabdalsa went to the army, which, 
agreeably to the king's orders, he kept in the neigh- 
bourhood of our cantonments, in order to prevent 
our ravaging the country with impunity. But being 
afterward struck with the enormity of the enter- 
prise, and prevented by fear from arriving at the 
time appointed, Bomilcar, who was impatient to 
accomplish his design, and greatly concerned lest 
his associate should depart from his late engage- 
tain facts connected with the fate of Turpilius, of whom Plutarch speaks 
in terms cf high commendation ; and from the account given by the latter, 
it may be justly concluded that this citizen of Latium fell a victim to the 
disgraceful conduct of Msrius. 



184 SALLUST ON THE 

ments, and consult his own safety by a discovery, 
sent a letter to him by one in whom he could confide, 
in which he upbraided him with effeminacy and 
want of spirit ; called the gods, by whom he had 
sworn, to witness ; and warned him, " not to turn 
the rewards offered by Metellus to his own destruc- 
tion ; that Jugurtha's ruin was at hand ; that the 
only thing to be considered was, whether it was to 
be effected by their bravery or that of Metellus ; 
and that he ought therefore to choose between the 
horrors of the rack, or the recompense of a manly 
resolution. 

74. Nabdalsa received this letter at a time 
when, being much fatigued, he was reposing on his 
couch : on reading it, he was at first filled with 
great anxiety ; and, as is usual to minds burdened 
with cares, sleep overcame him. He had in his 
service a certain Numidian of approved fidelity, who 
was highly in favour, and acquainted with all his 
affairs, except the late confederacy : this man, when 
he heard that a letter had arrived, supposing there 
would be occasion, as usual, for his service or 
counsel, went into his master's tent, where he found 
him asleep. On entering, he eagerly snatched up 
the letter, which had been left on the pillow, and 
read it ; and having discovered the plot, went with 
all possible haste to the king. Nabdalsa, who 
awoke soon after, missed his letter; and being 
informed by his guards of all that had passed, 
endeavoured at first to cause his accuser to be inter- 
cepted ; but failing in that, he went directly to the 
king, with a view to appease him. He affirmed 
that he was prevented from making the discovery 
himself by the treachery of his servant; and, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 185 

bursting into tears, conjured him, " by their mutual 
friendship, by his faithful past services, not to sus- 
pect him of so foul a crime." 

75. To this the king replied with calm compo- 
sure, concealing his real sentiments ; and having 
ordered Bomilcar to be put to death, with others 
whom he knew to be accomplices in the plot, he 
suppressed his resentment, lest, by making any 
more sacrifices to his vengeance, he might excite an 
insurrection. 

From this time Jugurtha enjoyed no tranquillity 
of mind either day or night ; judged himself inse- 
cure in every place, with every person, and on 
every occasion ; equally distrusted his subjects and 
his enemies ; was constantly on his guard ; alarmed 
at every sound ; passed his nights sometimes in 
one place, sometimes in another, often unsuitable to 
royal dignity ; sometimes started out of his sleep 
in the dead of night, and snatching his arms, raised 
an alarm. Thus did fear, like a phrensy, never 
cease to haunt his imagination, and drove him almost 
to madness. 

76. Metellus, when he received intelligence, by 
means of the deserters, of the fate of Bomilcar 
and the discovery of the plot, made fresh prepara- 
tions with the utmost vigour, as if the war had just 
commenced : and as Marius was constantly impor- 
tuning him for leave of absence, he now dismissed 
him, thinking it improper to trust him, as he served 
with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity. 

At Rome, too, the populace, when they learned 
the contents of the letters which were received from 
Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, were well 
pleased with the accounts concerning both. ThjB 



186 SALLUST ON THE 

distinguished rank of the general, which had hitherto 
been a motive for honouring him, now exposed him 
to the odium of the people ; while the obscurity of 
his lieutenant's birth recommended him to their 
favour. The good or bad qualities of either were 
little taken into the account : it was the rage of 
party that produced the bias. Besides this, the 
factious magistrates inflamed the multitude by 
charging Metellus with capital crimes, in all their 
harangues, and highly extolling the merits of Marius. 
At length the people were so inflamed, that the arti- 
ficers and husbandmen, whose whole substance and 
credit was derived from their daily labour, quitting 
their several employments, crowded from all quar- 
ters to attend on Marius ; and were more concerned 
for his advancement, than for procuring the neces- 
saries of life to themselves. The nobility being 
thus depressed, the consulship was bestowed on a 
new man, a circumstance which had not occurred 
for many years. After this, when the people were 
asked by Manlius Mancinus, tribune of the people, 
to whom they would commit the management of the 
war against Jugurtha, they, in a full assembly, 
assigned it to Marius, thus rendering abortive the 
decree of the senate, which had just before assigned 
the province of Numidia to Metellus. 

77. Jugurtha, in the mean time, finding himself 
bereft of his confidants, the greater part of whom 
had been cut off by himself, while the rest, appre- 
hending a like fate, had fled, some to the Romans, 
others to Bocchus, king of Mauritania, was agitated 
with doubt and distraction. Without ministers 
and generals, it was vain to think of a continuance 
of the war. The faithless character of his late 



JTJGURTHINE WAR. 187 

adherents naturally inspired him with solicitude; 
and it was dangerous to confide in greater virtue, 
or firmer attachment, in their successors. In this 
frame of mind, no scheme, no advice, no person 
could please him ; he shifted his marches, and 
changed his officers daily ; at one time he would 
move towards the enemy, at another towards the 
desert; oftentimes he placed all his security in 
flight ; presently after in arms ; nor could he deter- 
mine whether the fidelity or courage of his sub- 
jects was least to be confided in : thus, whichever 
way he turned his thoughts, he found nothing but 
vexation and discouragement. 

During this irresolution, Metellus on a sudden 
appeared with his army. Jugurtha improved the 
little time he had to draw up his men in order 
of battle ; after which the combat commenced, 
and was maintained for some time in that part 
where the king commanded in person ; but the rest 
of the army was routed and put to flight on the 
first encounter. The Romans took all their stan- 
dards and arms, with a few prisoners. The swift- 
ness of the Numidians, indeed, in all their engage- 
ments with the Romans, was more serviceable to 
them than their arms. 

78. After this defeat Jugurtha, bereft of all 
hope, retired with some deserters and a part of his 
cavalry to the deserts, and from thence to Thala, a 
great and wealthy town, where the bulk of his 
treasure was lodged, and where his children were 
kept and educated. No sooner was Metellus in- 
formed of this, than he resolved to make an attempt 
on this stronghold, although he knew that between 
the adjacent river and Thala he had a parched 



188 8ALLUST ON THE 

wilderness no less than fifty miles in extent to 
march over ; yet, hoping to put an end to the war 
by the reduction of that place, he determined to 
bid defiance to all difficulties, and attempted even to 
triumph over nature herself. He therefore gave 
orders that the baggage should be taken from the 
beasts of burden, and that they should be laden 
only with corn for ten days, together with leather 
flasks, and other utensils proper for carrying of 
water. Besides, he collected all the labouring 
cattle he could find in the neighbouring country, 
and loaded them with vessels of every kind, but 
mostly of wood, procured from the cottages of the 
Numidians. He moreover commanded the natives 
of the adjoining districts, who had surrendered 
after the defeat of the king, to furnish themselves 
with as much water as they could carry, and con- 
vey it to a certain place on a day appointed. To 
supply himself, he loaded his beasts from the river, 
which, as already stated, was the nearest water to 
the town : and thus provided, he advanced towards 
Thala. 

When he arrived at the place where he had ap- 
pointed the Numidians to meet him, and had pitched 
and fortified his camp, such a deluge of rain is said 
to have fallen, as would alone have plentifully sup- 
plied the whole army. Provisions were no less 
abundant ; for the Numidians, as is common with 
those who submit to new masters, had exceeded 
their instructions. The soldiers, from a principle 
of superstition, chose chiefly the water which fell 
from the heavens ; for they imagined they were 
objects of the special care of the immortal gods, 
and this greatly fortified fcheir courage. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 189 

The next day, contrary to the expectations of 
Jugurtha, they arrived before Thala. The inhab- 
itants, who imagined themselves sufficiently se- 
cured by their situation, were struck with the mag- 
nitude of the enterprise ; but nevertheless made 
vigorous preparations for defending themselves, as 
did our men for commencing the attack. 

79. The Numidian king, believing now that to 
Metellus nothing was impossible, and that he had, 
by his courage and perseverance, triumphed .over 
arms, places, seasons, nay, even over nature her- 
self, fled out of the town in the night-time, taking 
with him his children and a great part of his trea- 
sure. Nor did he ever after tarry more than a 
day or night in one place ; pretending that it was 
business which thus hurried him, though, in reality, 
he was apprehensive of treasonable practices, 
which he hoped to elude by his expedition, being 
persuaded that such designs were only formed by 
leisure and opportunity. 

Metellus, perceiving that the inhabitants were 
determined to hold out a siege, and that the city 
was strengthened both by art and nature, and sur- 
rounded with a trench and rampart, ordered his 
men to roll the moving machines to such places as 
he selected, to raise mounds on them, and turrets 
on the mounds, for the purpose of protecting the 
works, and those who conducted them. The be- 
sieged, on the other hand, did not fail to make 
preparations, and acted with great spirit and vigour ; 
nothing, indeed, was left unattempted on either 
side. 

The Romans at length, much exhausted by fa- 
tigue and the conflicts of so laborious a service, 



190 SALLUST ON THE 

made themselves masters of the bare city, after a 
siege of forty days ; the whole spoil having been 
destroyed by the deserters. These profligate men, 
as soon as they found the walls shaken by the 
battering-rams, and their own case desperate, car- 
ried away the gold and silver, with whatever else 
was esteemed valuable, to the royal palace ; and, 
after glutting themselves with wine and feasting, 
they committed all to the flames — the wealth, the 
palace, and their own lives, — voluntarily inflicting 
on themselves the severest punishment they could 
have apprehended from the conquerors, had they 
fallen into their hands. 

At this juncture deputies arrived from Leptis, 
requesting the protection of a garrison from Metel- 
lus, and begging that he would send them a gov- 
ernor. They also informed him that Hamilcar, 
a factious nobleman, whom neither the power of 
the magistrates nor the authority of the laws could 
restrain, was labouring to overthrow the govern- 
ment ; and that unless he afforded them present 
assistance, they, the allies of Rome, would be in 
the utmost danger. The people of Leptis had, 
indeed, at the commencement of the war with 
Jugurtha, first addressed themselves to the consul 
Bestia, and afterward to Rome, in order to solicit 
her friendship and alliance ; and, that being ob- 
tained, they continued good and faithful allies to 
the republic, and readily complied with the orders 
of Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. The general, 
therefore, readily yielded to their request ; and four 
cohorts of Ligurians were despatched to Leptis, 
under the command of Caius Annius, who was 
deputed to act as governor of the place. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 191 

The city of Leptis, according to the best ac- 
counts, was founded by the Sidonians, who quitted 
their country on account of- civil broils, and sailed 
over to Africa : it lies between the two Syrtes, cer- 
tain bays of the sea, of which that appellation 
sufficiently indicates the character. These gulfs 
or bays are situated nearly at the eastern extrem- 
ity of the African coast, being in description nearly 
similar, but of unequal magnitude. Near to the 
shore there is an uncommon depth of water, a cir- 
cumstance that varies according to the nature of 
the bottom; and in some places, during tempestu- 
ous weather, there are continued shallows. When 
the winds blow violently, and the sea rolls with a 
prodigious swell, mud and sand, and even stones 
of a vast size, are forced along by the rapidity of 
the current. Hence the bed of the waters is con- 
stantly changing at the mercy of the tempest; 
and hence these gulfs have the name of Syrtes, 
from the frequent dragging or shifting of their 
channel. 

The inhabitants of Leptis, by their intermar- 
riages with the Numidians, have changed their na- 
tive language, but still retain the greater part of 
the laws and customs of the Sidonians, which they 
have done the more easily, on account of the great 
distance at which they are placed from the Nu- 
midian government ; vast deserts intervening be- 
tween them and the more cultivated districts. 

81. Since the affairs of Leptis have led me to 
discourse of this country, it may not be uninterest- 
ing to record the ever-memorable and glorious 
achievement of two Carthaginians ; the scene of 
whose actions presents itself to the view. 



192 SALLUST ON THE 

While the Carthaginians were masters of the 
greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a 
powerful and wealthy people. Between the two 
commonwealths lay a vast sandy plain, altogether 
uniform, without river or mountain to ascertain the 
boundaries of their several territories ; which 
proved the occasion of long and bloody wars. 
After long struggles, and after their fleets and ar- 
mies had sufficiently tried and exhausted their 
strength, they naturally became apprehensive lest 
some common enemy should at last take the field, 
and make an easy prey of the victors as well as 
the vanquished. They therefore first came to 
a cessation of arms, then to an agreement that 
each city should send out deputies at a stated time, 
and that the place where they met should form the 
common boundary of their dominions. Two bro- 
thers, named Philaeni, were sent from Carthage, 
and travelled with great expedition. The pyre- 
nians advanced more slowly ; but whether this cir- 
cumstance was accidental, or whether they loitered 
by the way, cannot now be ascertained. It is, 
however, certain, that those who traverse these 
wastes, like the mariner on the ocean, are fre- 
quently at the mercy of the hurricane. When the 
wind blow's hard in these vast and naked plains, 
the sand, being hurled from the earth, and driven 
with a mighty force, fills the mouths and eyes of 
travellers; and, thus deprived of their sight, they 
are compelled to relax their speed, and wait with 
patience the cessation of the tempest. 1 

1 The intrepid Bruce gives an interesting account of this phenomenon. 
" At the time it appeared," he says, u the description which Syphax 
gives of it in his speech to Sempronius (in Addison's Cato) wa3 per- 
petually before my mind :"•— 



JUGURTHINE WAR, 193 

The Cyrenians, finding themselves surpassed in 
expedition, and dreading the vengeance of their 
countrymen, who might impute to them the failure 
of the enterprise, began to wrangle with the Car- 
thaginians, whom they charged with setting out 
before the limited time, and declared they would 
submit to any terms, rather than depart vanquished 
from the contest. The Carthaginians only de- 
sired any method of deciding which was fair and 
reasonable ; but the Cyrenians gave them their 
choice, " either to be buried alive on the spot which 
they required as the boundary of their dominions, 
or to suffer them to proceed as far as they thought 
proper, on the same terms." The generous Phi- 
laeni, accepting the condition, sacrificed their per- 
sons and lives to the good of their country, and 
were buried alive in that very spot. There the 
Carthaginians dedicated altars sacred to the two 
brothers, and instituted other solemnities in Car- 
thage, to immortalize their name. 1 I now resume 
my narrative. 

82. Jugurtha, after the loss of Thala, thinking 



So, where our wide Numidian wastes extend, 
Sudden th' impetuous hurricanes descend, 
Wheel through the air, in circling eddies play, 
Tear up the sands, and sweep whole plains away. 
The helpless traveller, with wild surprise, 
Sees the dry desert all around him rise, 
And, smother'd in the dusty whirlwind, dies. 
" These lines," adds Mr. Bruce, " are capital, and are a fine copy, which 
can only appear tame by the original having been before our eyes, 
painted by the great master, the Creator and Ruler of the World." 

l Pomponius Mela and Valerius Maximus relate this story. Pliny 
says the altars erected to those celebrated brothers were originally con- 
structed of sand or earth ; but it is probable that some monument of 
stone was afterward erected by the Carthaginians on the spot ; as the 
altars, during a long period, are said to have marked the boundary of 
their empire. 

Sal.-~R » ■ 



194 SALLTJST ON THE 

no place a security against the genius and enter- 
prise of Metellus, tied with a few attendants, 
through vast deserts, into the country of the Gae- 
tuli, a savage and uncultivated race, till then unac- 
quainted with the Roman name. Of these he 
collected a considerable body, and accustomed 
them by degrees to move in ranks, to follow his 
standards, to obey orders, and to perform other 
military duties. By great presents, and greater 
promises, he gained over to his interest the confi- 
dants and favourites of king Bocchus ; and, apply- 
ing to the king through their means, prevailed on 
him to undertake a war against the Romans. This 
was the more easily effected as Bocchus was 
filled with resentment against the Romans for hav- 
ing refused to admit him into their friendship and 
alliance, which he had sent ambassadors to Rome 
to solicit in the beginning of our war with Jugur- 
tha ; an alliance extremely advantageous on such 
an occasion, but obstructed by a few noblemen, 
who, influenced by avarice, habitually set to sale 
their influence in the state, and were ready to carry 
through the best or the basest measures, as they 
contributed to the indulgence of this sordid passion. 
Bocchus had, some time before this, married a 
daughter of Jugurtha ; but such an alliance is little 
regarded among the Numidians and Moors, who 
all have a plurality of wives, some ten, others 
more, according to their wealth, and their kings 
consequently possess a still greater proportion. 
Amid such a variety, the heart of man is distracted; 
so that no one is looked on as the companion of 
her lord, but all equally neglected and despised. 
83. The two kings accordingly met with their 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 195 

armies at a place agreed on, where, after pledging 
their faith to each other, Jugurtha began to inflame 
the mind of Bocchus, by representing to him, " that 
the Romans were oppressiye, insatiably covetous, 
and the common enemies of mankind ; that they 
had the same cause for making war on Bocchus 
as on himself, and on other nations, namely, their 
lust of dominion, which made them look on all in- 
dependent states as their enemies ; that at present 
they pursued him as an enemy, as they had, a short 
time before, king Perses and the Carthaginians ; 
and that, for the future, wherever a prince ap- 
peared formidable by power, or famed for opu- 
lence, he might count on Roman hostility." 

Having- said this, and much more to the same 
purpose, the two princes resolved on marching to 
Cirta, where Metellus had lodged his booty, pris- 
oners, and baggage ; and where Jugurtha thought 
he should obtain a reward for his labour, either by 
taking the city, or by bringing the Romans to an 
engagement, if they marched to its relief. Such 
was the subtlety of the Numidian, who, by this 
impatience for action, wished only to prevent Boc- 
chus from entertaining thoughts of peace ; lest, by 
delays, he might waver in his purpose, and, in the 
end, decline all interference in the quarrel. 

84. Metellus, when he received intelligence of 
the confederacy of the kings, was more circum- 
spect than when opposed only to Jugurtha, whom, 
he had so often defeated. He resolved not to be 
forward to engage the enemy ; but fortifying his 
camp, patiently waited for the kings near Cirta ; 
deeming it more prudent, as the Mauri were new 
adversaries, not to bring them to action until he 



196 SALLUST ON THE 

had acquired a knowledge of their character, that 
he might do so with greater advantage. 

In the mean time he received intelligence from 
Rome that the province of Numidia was assigned 
to Marius, of whose elevation to the consulship 
he had been informed. By the latter event he was 
extremely mortified, and his vexation exceeded all 
bounds of decency or dignity : he could neither 
refrain from tears, nor restrain his tongue from in- 
vective; for, although a man otherwise eminently 
distinguished for every noble quality, he was be- 
trayed into an irritation, which was efFemmate, and 
wholly unworthy of his character. Some imputed 
this weakness to pride ; others to a generous spirit, 
too keenly alive to insult : many to a deep con- 
cern that the laurels already gained should be 
wrested from his hands. For myself, I have great 
reason to believe, that the advancement of Marius 
gave him more torture than his own wrongs, and 
that he would have quitted his province with less 
regret, had it been bestowed on any other than 
Marius. 

85. Thus overwhelmed with vexation, Metel- 
lus laid aside all thought of farther enterprise ; 
and, deeming it folly to cultivate the interest of 
another at his own hazard, he despatched deputies 
to king Bocchus, admonishing him, " not to become 
an enemy to the Roman people without any provo- 
cation : that he had now an opportunity of enter- 
ing into friendship and alliance with them, which 
ought to be preferred by him to war. Whatever 
confidence he might place in his own strength, 
that still he should reflect, whether certain benefit 
should be relinquished for contingency, and the 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 197 

turns of a precarious fortune : that it was easy to 
draw the sword, but extremely difficult to conclude 
a war : that he who possessed the power to com- 
mence was not always able to terminate a con- 
test : that a coward might plunge into a war, but 
peace depended on the will of the conqueror: that 
he should therefore consult his own interest and 
that of his kingdom, and not blend his own flour- 
ishing fortunes with those of a man so desperate 
and ruined as Jugurtha." To these remonstrances 
the king replied, "that he too was desirous of 
peace, but was touched with sympathy for Jugur- 
tha ; and were he also included in the treaty, it 
would pave the way to general pacification." 
Again the Roman general sent deputies with an 
answer to the demands of Bocchus, who was sat- 
isfied with some particulars and rejected others. 
Thus, by sending and returning deputies, the time 
was spun out, and the war protracted, agreeably to 
the desire of Metellus, without any hostilities. 

86. Marius, who had been created consul by 
the people with every proof of the warmest zeal 
for his interest, and was soon after appointed to 
command in Numidia, now behaved towards the 
nobility, against whom he was before highly exas- 
perated, with greater fierceness and insolence tl an 
ever ; sometimes he insulted particular individuals, 
sometimes the whole body. He was continually 
boasting that he had wrested the consulship from 
them like spoils from a vanquished enemy, extoll- 
ing his own merits, and aggravating the mortifica- 
tions of his adversaries. 

In the mean time, his principal care was to 
provide every thing necessary for the war ; he 
R2 



198 SALLUST ON THE 

demanded recruits for the legions, and sent for aux- 
iliaries from foreign states, kings, and allies. He 
moreover summoned from Latium all the bravest 
men, most of whom he himself knew by their 
having served with him, so that there were but 
few whose characters he had learned from com- 
mon fame ; and even, by the force of persuasion, 
prevailed on the discharged veterans to crowd to 
his standard. Nor did the senate venture, though 
his avowed enemies, to oppose these measures ; 
they even cheerfully voted the augmentation of 
his troops ; because they imagined the populace 
would receive the calls to military service with so 
much aversion, that Marius would either fail in 
the prosecution of the war, or lose his popularity. 
But in this they were disappointed ; so eager a 
desire of joining Marius had seized most of them. 
Every man flattered himself to return crowned 
with victory, and enriched with spoil. Marius had 
indeed, by his eloquence, not a little contributed to 
raise their expectations ; for, after the necessary 
decrees had been passed for his equipment, and 
the eve of commencing levies was at hand, he 
summoned an assembly of the people, both to en- 
courage them to follow him, and to inveigh against 
the mobility, as he was wont. He then harangued 
them to the following effect : l 

87. " I know, Romans, that most of those who 
apply to you for preferment in the state assume a 
different conduct from what they observe after they 

l This speech, which the historian puts into the mouth of Marius, 
lias always been considered as among the most vigorous and character- 
istic in his history. The composition is undoubtedly Sallust's ; but the 
sentiments are those of Marius himself, as may be seen from the testi- 
mony of other ancient writers. 



JUGURTHXNE WAR. 199 

Tiave obtained it. When they are candidates, they 
are active, condescending, and modest ; when 
magistrates, haughty and indolent : but to me the 
contrary conduct appears reasonable: for in pro- 
portion as the good of the state is of more impor- 
tance than the consulship or praetorship, the greater 
care and attention is requisite to govern the com- 
monwealth, than to court its dignities. 

"I am very sensible what an arduous task is 
imposed on me by your generous choice of me ; 
to make preparations for the war, and yet to be 
sparing of the treasury ; to oblige those to serve 
whom you would not willingly offend ; to attend 
to every thing both at home and abroad ; and to 
perform all this amid a confederacy of envious 
men, eternally obstructing your measures, and ca- 
balling against you, is, O Romans ! a more diffi- 
cult undertaking than can be readily imagined. 
Moreover, if others fail in the discharge of their 
duty, the ancient lustre of their family, the heroic 
actions of their ancestors, the credit of their kin- 
dred and friends, and their numerous dependants 
afford them protection. But for me, my resources 
lie solely in myself; my firmness and integrity 
alone must protect me, every other support would 
be of little avail. 

" I am well aware, too, Romans, that the eyes 
of all are on me ; that all honest, all candid men, 
pleased with my successful endeavours to serve 
the state, wish well to me ; but that the nobility 
watch for an opportunity to ruin me. Hence I 
must labour the more strenuously that you be not 
ensnared by them, and that they be disappointed. 
From my childhood to the present time, my man- 



260 6ALLUST ON THE 

ner of life has been such, that toils and dangers 
are now habitual to me. The course I pursued, 
Romans, merely from a disinterested principle, be- 
fore you conferred any favours on me, I shall be 
far from discontinuing now that you have bestowed 
so noble a recompense. Those who put on the 
deceitful guise and semblance of virtue, to obtain 
power, must, when possessed of it, find it difficult 
to act with moderation ; but to me, whose whole 
life has been an uninterrupted series of laudable 
pursuits, virtue, through the force of habit, is be- 
come natural. 

" You have ordained that I should have the man- 
agement of the war against Jugurtha; an ordi- 
nance highly displeasing to the nobility. Now, I 
pray you, consider within yourselves whether you 
had not better alter your choice, and employ on 
this, or any other similar occasion, one of the tribe 
of the nobility, a man of ancient family, sur- 
rounded with the images of his ancestors, and who 
has never been in the service : see how, on such 
an important occasion, he will hurry and be con- 
founded, and, ignorant of the whole of his duty, 
apply to some plebeian to instruct him in it. And 
thus it commonly happens that he whom you have 
appointed your general is obliged to find another 
from whom to receive his orders. 

88. " I know, Romans, some who, after enter- 
ing on the consular office, began to study the his- 
tory of our ancestors, and the military precepts of 
the Greeks. Preposterous method ! For though, 
in the order of time, the election to offices pre- 
cedes the exercise of men, yet, in the order of 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 201 

things, qualifications and experience should pre- 
cede election. 

" New man as I am, Romans, compare me with 
these haughty nobles. What they have only read 
or heard of I have seen performed, or performed 
myself: what they have gathered from books I 
have learned in the service. Now do you your- 
selves judge whether practice or speculation is 
of greatest value. They despise me for the 
meanness of my descent; I them for their indo- 
lence : I am upbraided with my fortune ; they with 
their crimes. I am of opinion that nature is al- 
ways the same, and common to all ; and that those 
who have most virtue, have most nobility. 1 Sup- 
pose it were possible to put the question to the 
fathers of Albinus or Bestia, whether they would 
rather have chosen me for their descendant or 
them 1 What answer do you think they would 
make, but that they should have desired to have 
had the most deserving men for their sons 1 But if 
they have reason to despise me, they have the 
same cause to despise their ancestors, whose no- 

i Juvenal, in his eighth satire, seems to have had in view this speech 
of Marius. Of the source of true nobility, he says, 

Fond man ! though all the heroes of your line 
Bedeck your halls, and round your galleries shine 
In wax or stone ; yet take this truth from me, 
Virtue alone is trte nobility. 
Be, then, what Drusus, Cossus, Paulus were; 
The bright examples of their lives prefer 
To all your statues ; nay, to all the state, 
Chairs, fasces, lictors of your consulate. 
No slave to birth, the virtues I require, 
Inherent, not reflected from the sire, 
Must aggrandize the son. Dare to be just, 
Firm to your word, and faithful to your trust ; 
These praises hear, at least deserve to hear, 
I grant your claim, and recognise the peer. 

Gifford's Translation, 



202 SALLUST ON THE 

bility, like mine, took its rise from their military 
virtue. They envy my advancement; let them 
likewise envy my toils, my integrity, my dangers ; 
for by these I gained it. 

" These men, in truth, blinded with pride, live 
in such manner as if they slighted the honours 
you have to bestow, and yet sue for them as if 
they had deserved them. Deluded men! to aspire 
at once after two things so opposite in their nature, 
— the enjoyment of the pleasures of effeminacy, 
and the fruits of a laborious virtue ! "When they 
harangue too before you, or in the senate, they 
employ the greatest part of their eloquence in 
celebrating their ancestors, and vainly imagine 
that their exploits reflect a lustre on themselves : 
whereas it is quite the reverse ; for the more illus- 
trious their lives were, the more scandalous is the 
spiritless and unmanly behaviour of these their 
descendants. The truth of the matter is plainly 
this : the glory acquired by ancestors is like a 
light diffused over the actions of their posterity, 
which suffers neither their good nor bad qualities 
to be concealed. 

" This light, Romans, is what I want ; but, what 
is much more noble, I can recount my own achieve- 
ments. Mark the inconsistency of my adversa- 
ries ! What they arrogantly claim to themselves, 
for the exploits of others, they deny me for my 
ow r n : and what reason do they give for it ? why, 
truly this ; because I have no images of my an- 
cestors to show, and my nobility is no older than 
myself; which, certainly, it is more honourable 
for one to acquire himself than to debase that 
which he derives from his ancestors. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 203 

89. " I am sensible, Romans, that if they were 
to reply to what I now advance, they would do so 
with great eloquence and accuracy. Yet, as they 
have given a loose to their calumniating tongues 
on every occasion, not only against me, but like- 
wise against you, ever since you have conferred 
this dignity on me, I was resolved to speak, lest 
some should impute my silence to a consciousness 
of my own guilt. Though I am abundantly sat- 
isfied that no words can injure me ; since, if what 
is said be true, it must be to my honour ; if false, 
my life and conduct will confute it : but because 
your determination is blamed, in bestowing on me 
the highest dignity of the state, and trusting me 
with the conduct of affairs of such importance ; I 
beseech you to consider whether you had not better 
alter your choice. I cannot, indeed, boast of the 
images, triumphs, or consulships of my ancestors, 
to raise your confidence in me ; but, if it be neces- 
sary, I can show you spears, banners, collars of 
merit, and other military distinctions, besides a 
body scarred with honourable wounds. These 
are my statues ! These the proofs of my nobility ! 
not derived from ancestors, as theirs are, but such 
as I have myself acquired by many toils and 
dangers. 

" My language too is unpolished ; but that gives 
me small concern : virtue shows itself with suffi- 
cient clearness. They stand in need of the artful 
colourings of eloquence to hide the infamy of their 
actions. Nor have I been instructed in the Gre- 
cian literature : why, truly, I had little inclination 
to that kind of instruction, which did not improve 
the authors of it in the least degree of virtue. But 



204 SALLUST ON THE 

I have learned other things far more useful to the 
state; — to wound the enemy ; to watch; to dread 
nothing but infamy ; equally to undergo cold and 
heat ; to lie on the bare ground ; and endure at the 
same time hunger and fatigue. These lessons 
shall animate my troops ; nor shall I ever be rigo- 
rous to them and indulgent to myself; or borrow 
my glory from their toils. This is the mode of 
commanding most useful to the state ; this is what 
suits the equality of citizens. To treat the army 
with severity while you indulge yourself in ease 
and pleasure is to act the tyrant, not the general. 

"By conduct like this, our forefathers gained 
immortal honour both to themselves and the re- 
public ; while our nobility, though so unlike their 
ancestors in character, despise us who imitate 
them ; and demand of you all public honours, not 
on account of their personal merit, but as due to 
their high rank. Arrogant men ! but widely mis- 
taken. Their ancestors left them every thing in 
their power to bequeath ; their wealth, their images, 
their high renown : but their virtue they did not 
leave them, nor indeed could they ; for it can nei- 
ther be given nor received as a gift. 

90. " They hold me to be unpolished and ill- 
bred, because I cannot entertain elegantly, have no 
buffoon, and pay no higher wages to my cook than 
to my steward ; every part of which, Romans, I 
readily own : for I have learned from my father 
and other venerable persons that delicacy belongs 
to women, labour to men ; that a virtuous man 
ought to have a larger share of glory than riches ; 
and that arms are more ornamental than splendid 
furniture. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 205 

" But let them still pursue what is so dear and 
delightful to them ; let them indulge in wine and 
pleasure ; let them spend their old age, as they 
did their youth, in banqueting and the lowest sen- 
sual gratifications ; let them leave the fatigues and 
dangers of the field to us, to whom they are more 
agreeable than the most elegant entertainments. 
But even this they will not do ; for after having 
debased themselves by the practice of the foulest 
and most infamous vices, these most detestable of 
all men endeavour to deprive the brave of the re- 
wards that are due to them. Thus, by the greatest 
injustice, luxury and idleness, the worst of vices, 
are no way prejudicial to those who are guilty of 
them ; while they threaten the innocent common- 
wealth with unmerited ruin. 

" Now, since I have answered these men as far 
as my own character was concerned, though not 
so fully as their infamous behaviour deserved, I 
shall add a few words concerning the state of pub- 
lic affairs. And first, Romans, be of good courage 
as to Numidia ; since you have now removed all 
that hitherto secured Jugurtha ; namely, the cove- 
tousness, incapacity, and haughtiness of our com- 
manders. There is an army stationed in Africa, 
well acquainted with the country, but indeed less 
fortunate than brave ; for a great portion of it has 
been destroyed by the rapaciousness and rashness 
of its commanders. Do you, therefore, who are 
of age to bear arms, join your efforts to mine, 
and assume the defence of the commonwealth; 
nor let the fate of others, or the haughtiness of the 
late commanders, discourage any of you : when 
you march, when you engage, I will always be 

Sal $ 



206 SALLUST ON THE 

I 

with you to direct you how to act, and to share 
with you every danger. In a word, I shall desire 
you to act no otherwise in any instance than as 
you see me act. Moreover, all things are now 
ripe for us, — victory, spoil, and glory ; and though 
they were uncertain or at a distance, it would still 
be the duty of every good citizen to assist the state. 
No man ever became immortal by inactivity ; nor 
did ever any father wish his children might never 
die, but rather that they might live like useful and 
worthy men. I should add more to what I have 
already said, if words could inspire cowards with 
bravery ; to the valiant I think I have said 
enough." 

91. Marius, having delivered this oration, and 
finding the minds of the people animated, ordered 
provisions, money, and other necessaries for the 
war, to be embarked with all possible expedition, 
and his lieutenant, Aulus Manlius, to proceed with 
them to Africa. Meanwhile he himself was em- 
ployed in levying troops, accepting all who were 
inclined to volunteer, without observing the ancient 
method of enrolling those of certain classes only. 
The greater part of them consisted of such as 
were, on account of their poverty, exempted from 
bearing arms : which conduct some imputed to the 
scarcity of better men, others to a design of se- 
curing his interest with the rabble, to whom he 
first owed his reputation and then his advancement. 
He who aims at power will ever find the most 
needy the fittest instruments for his purpose. Pos- 
sessing nothing they can call their own, they are 
wholly absorbed from the care of property, and 
think every thing honourable that is gainful. 



JUGTTRTHINE WAR* 207 

Marius, embarking for Africa with a number of 
troops somewhat greater than had been decreed 
him, in a few days arrived at Utica, where the 
army was delivered over to him by Publius Ruti- 
lius, the lieutenant of Metellus, who hurried out 
of Africa, lest he should witness a sight, of whicli 
the bare intelligence had filled him with mortifi- 
cation. 

92. The consul, having completed his legions 
and auxiliary cohorts, marched into a fertile coun- 
try, abounding in plunder, which, without reserve, 
was bestowed on the soldiers. He then assailed 
such fortresses and towns as were neither very 
strong by nature nor well garrisoned, and had fre- 
quent skirmishes .in different places. The new- 
raised soldiers thus learned to mingle in the combat 
without terror ; they saw that cowardice was fol- 
lowed by captivity or death ; that the bravest were 
the most secure ; that by arms, our liberty, our 
country, our kindred were protected, and glory and 
riches acquired. Thus in a short time the new 
men vied with the veterans, and the bravery of both 
became equal. 

The confederate kings, when they heard of the 
arrival of Marius, retired each into places difficult 
of access. This was the contrivance of Jugur- 
tha, who by this means hoped that the enemy 
would disperse, and so afford him an opportunity 
of falling on them ; supposing that the Romans 
would, like other men, become more remiss and 
licentious as their fears were removed. 

93. Meanwhile Metellus, on his return to Rome, 
was received, contrary to his expectations, with 
the greatest demonstrations of joy and affection ; 



203 SALLUST ON THE 

being equally dear to the commons and senate, 
now that the popular odium had subsided. 1 

Marius showed great activity and prudence in 
observing the enemy's measures and pursuing his 
own ; in considering what might tend to promote 
or obstruct either ; informing himself of the sepa- 
rate marches of the two kings ; and preventing all 
their machinations. He suffered no remissness in 
his own army, nor rest nor security in those of the 
kings ; insomuch that, having frequently attacked 
both the Gaetulians and Jugurtha as they were car- 
rying off the plunder of our allies, he always put 
them to the rout ; and even forced the king him- 
self, not far from Cirta, to throw away his arms 
and trust to his horse for safety. But when he 
saw that these successes, however honourable, 
produced nothing decisive, he resolved to invest 
those places which, by the strength of their gar- 
risons or situation, were advantageous to the enemy, 
or dangerous to himself; as Jugurtha would thus 
be stripped of all his strongholds, should he suffer 
them to be taken, or be brought to an engagement. 
Bocchus had already sent deputies to him, one 
after another, to signify his desire of the Roman 
friendship, and that no hostilities were to be appre- 
hended from him. But whether this was mere 
pretence, that he might suddenly fall on the Ro- 
mans with the greater chance of success ; or 
whether it proceeded from the inconstancy of his 



l Metellus was honoured with a triumph, and deservedly obtained 
the surname of Numidicus. The rancour and severity with which he 
was soon after persecuted by Marius and the popular faction, were 
equally disgraceful to themselves and to the republic. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 209 

temper, one while prompting him to war, another 
to peace, it is impossible to determine. 

94. The consul, in pursuance of his design, 
advanced against the towns and fortresses of the 
Numidians, some of which he took by assault, and 
others were gained over by threats or promises. 
At first, indeed, his attempts were confined to in- 
considerable places, in the belief that Jugurtha, in 
order to protect his subjects, would, ere long, ven- 
ture on a battle ; but finding that he kept at a dis- 
tance, and was employed in other affairs, he thought 
it was time to enter on greater and more difficult 
enterprises. 

There stood, in the midst of vast deserts, a strong 
and populous city called Capsa, said to have been 
founded by the Libyan Hercules. The citizens, 
by reason of the many immunities they enjoyed 
under Jugurtha, who exercised a gentle govern- 
ment over them, were thought to be faithfully de- 
voted to him. They were secured against their 
enemies, not only by good fortifications, numbers 
of men, and magazines of arms, but much more so 
by the difficulty of approaching them ; for the 
whole country round, except the fields adjoining 
to the town, was barren and uncultivated, without 
water, and infested with serpents, whose fury, like 
that of other noxious animals, is heightened by 
famine, and who, though naturally mischievous, are 
still more so when they are inflamed by thirst. 

Marius had an ardent desire to master this place, 
not only on account of its importance for the pur- 
poses of war, but because of the difficulty of the 
undertaking: as an additional motive, too, Metel* 
lus had acquired great glory by taking Thala, a 
S3 



210 SALLUST ON THE 

town that much resembled it in strength and situa- 
tion, except that at Thala there were several 
springs not far from the town ; but the inhabitants 
of Capsa had only a single fountain, and that 
within the city, without any other supply of water 
but from the heavens. The Capsians, like other 
rude inhabitants of Africa situated at a distance 
from the sea, the more easily supported this scar- 
city of water, as they live mostly on milk and the 
flesh of wild animals, without the use of salt, or, 
indeed, any other incentive to appetite : the sole 
purpose of eating and drinking among them being 
to satisfy the necessary demands of nature, and 
not to gratify luxury and intemperance. 

95. The consul took all possible precautions 
in this undertaking ; but relied, it is probable, on 
the gods for success ; as human prudence could 
not sufficiently provide against so great difficulties. 
To his other discouragements was added a scar- 
city of corn, the Numidians applying themselves 
more to grazing than tillage : besides which the 
grain had been carried off, by the king's orders, 
into fortified places ; and as it was the end of sum- 
mer, the ground was parched and yielded no pro- 
duce. He acted, however, considering his condi- 
tion, with great prudence and foresight. The 
cattle which he had taken some days before, he 
committed to the auxiliary cavalry to conduct ; 
and ordered his lieutenant, A. Manlius, to march 
with the light cohorts to the city Laris, where 
he had placed his provisions and military chest ; 
informing him that he was going in pursuit of 
plunder, and would join him in a few days. Thus 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 211 

concealing his design, he directed his march to the 
river Tana. 

96. In his march, he daily distributed cattle 
among the companies of foot and troops of horse 
in equal proportion, and took care to have bottles 
made of hides : thus he made the want of corn of 
less importance, and provided such utensils as 
were soon to become necessary, while all were igno- 
rant of his intentions. 

On the sixth day they reached the river, and a 
great number of bottles was found to be prepared. 
Having pitched his camp, and fortified it slightly, 
he ordered his men to refresh themselves, that 
they might be ready to march at sunset ; and like- 
wise to lay aside all their baggage, and load them- 
selves and their beasts of burden with water only. 
At the time appointed he decamped, and marching 
the whole night, encamped again in the morning. 
The following evening he observed the same me- 
thod, and arrived, on the third morning, long before 
dawn, at a place diversified with small hills, about 
two miles from Capsa, where he passed the re- 
maining part of the night, concealing his forces 
with the greatest possible care. 

As soon as day appeared, and the Numidians, 
under no apprehensions of an enemy, had many 
of them left the town, he instantly ordered the 
whole of his cavalry with the most active of his 
light cohorts, to hasten to Capsa, and secure the 
gates. He himself followed with great despatch, 
not suffering any of his men to stray for plunder. 
When the inhabitants perceived this, the great con- 
sternation with which they were seized, the unex- 
pected calamity that befell them, and the considera- 



212 SALLUST ON THE 

tion that many of their fellow-citizens were without' 
the walls, and at the mercy of the enemy, induced 
them to surrender. Their city, however, was 
burnt ; the youth put to the sword ; all the rest 
sold as slaves ; and the plunder given to the sol- 
diers. This severe course, contrary to the laws 
of war, was not occasioned by the avarice or 
cruelty of the consul ; but was adopted, because 
the place was very advantageous to Jugurtha, and 
of difficult access, and the citizens an inconstant 
and perfidious race, not to be curbed by favours or 
terrors. 

97. After Marius had executed so bold an en* 
terprise without loss, his name, great and renowned 
before, was now magnified to a still greater height : 
even his faults passed for virtues, and his rashness 
was regarded as a proof of superior genius. The 
soldiers, being under a gentle command, and withal 
enriched by him, extolled him to the skies ; the 
Numidians dreaded him as more than mortal : in 
short, both allies and enemies believed he had 
either the spirit of a deity, or that the gods as?- 
sisted him in all his purposes. 

Encouraged by this success, the consul advanced 
against other towns ; in taking some of which he 
met with opposition from the Numidians ; but most 
of them were deserted by their inhabitants, who 
dreaded the tragical fate of Capsa : those he 
burned to the ground. Thus the country was 
filled with massacre and lamentation. At length, 
having made himself master of many places, and 
most of them without loss, he engaged in another 
enterprise, less hazardous than that of Capsa, buf; 
^ually difficult in its accomplishment, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 213 

Not far from the rtver of Mulucha, which sepa- 
rated the kingdoms of Jugurtha and Bocchus, there 
stood, in the midst of a plain, a small fort, on a 
rock of considerable breadth, and of prodigious 
height, naturally as steep on every side as art or 
labour could render it ; but it had no access, ex- 
cept at one place, and that was by means of a 
narrow path. As the king's treasure was deposited 
in this place, Marius exerted his utmost efforts to 
reduce it ; and succeeded more by accident than 
by prudent management. 

The castle was abundantly provided with men, 
arms, provisions, and a spring of water ; its situa- 
tion rendered it impossible to make use of mounds 
and turrets, and the machinery usually employed 
in a siege ; the path to it was very narrow, with a 
precipice on each side ; the moving galleries were 
pushed forward with infinite hazard, and to no pur- 
pose ; for when they advanced towards the garri- 
son, they were either destroyed by fire or crushed 
by prodigious stones. The soldiers could neither 
maintain their footing, nor make use of their bat- 
teries, without exposing themselves to continual 
danger. The most adventurous were either slain 
or wounded, and the rest were greatly discour- 
aged. 

98. Marius, having thus spent many toilsome 
days, now hesitated whether he should abandon 
his enterprise, which had proved unsuccessful, or 
wait the interposition of fortune, which had so fre- 
quently befriended him. While these reflections 
day and night occupied his mind, a Ligurian, a 
common soldier of the auxiliary cohorts, who had 
gone out of the camp in search of water, hap- 



214 SALLUST ON THE 

pened to observe, not far from the opposite side 
of the castle, some perriwinkles creeping among 
the rocks ; gathering one, then another, and still 
climbing to procure more, he was led insensibly 
almost to the top of the mountain ; where, per- 
ceiving all was quiet in that quarter, the natural 
desire of viewing unknown objects prompted him 
to proceed. 

It chanced that an oak-tree, of considerable 
magnitude, here grew out of the side of the rock, 
and bending its trunk downwards near the root, 
then taking a turn, mounted upwards, as is natural 
to trees in such situations. 

By the help of this, the Ligurian, by laying hold 
of the branches of the tree or of the prominences 
of the rock, was at length enabled to survey the 
whole plan of the castle, without being disturbed 
by the Numidians, who were all engaged on that 
side on which the attack had been made. Having 
carefully examined whatever he thought would be 
useful to him in the execution of his design, he 
returned the same way, not hastily, as he went up, 
but pausing at every step, and observing every 
thing with the utmost care. 

On his return to the camp, he hastened to Ma- 
rius, informed him of what he had done, pressed 
him to make an attempt on the castle on that side 
where he himself had mounted, and promised that 
he would lead the way, and be the first to face the 
danger. Marius despatched some. of those who 
attended him, accompanied by the Ligurian, to ex- 
amine the spot ; and although their reports varied 
as to the facility or the difficulty of the under- 
taking, the consul, encouraged by the hope of 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 215 

success, determined to make the attempt. He 
accordingly selected, from among the trumpeters 
and cornet-blowers of the line, five of the most 
active and enterprising men, together with four 
centurions to support them ; and, putting the whole 
under the command of the Ligurian, he ordered 
them to be in readiness to set out on the following 
day. 

99. At the time appointed, the party left the 
camp, having previously taken such measures as 
were necessary for the expedition. The centu- 
rions, according to the instructions which they 
had received from their guide, had changed their 
arms and dress, and marched with their head and 
feet bare, that they might have the freer prospect, 
and climb with more facility. Their swords and 
bucklers were slung across their shoulders ; the 
latter of which were of the Numidian kind, and 
covered with hides, as well for the sake of light- 
ness, as that all noise might be avoided, if they 
struck against the rock. 

The Ligurian, leading the way, fixed cords about 
the stones, and such roots of trees as appeared 
proper for the purpose, to assist the soldiers in 
climbing ; stretching his hand, from time to time, 
to such as were discouraged at so rugged a march. 
When the ascent was more steep than ordinary, 
he would send them up before him unarmed, and 
then follow himself with their arms. Wherever 
it appeared more dangerous to climb, he went fore- 
most; and by ascending and descending several 
times, encouraged the rest to follow him, and re- 
tired to make way for them. At length, after 
much tedious labour, they gained the castle, which 



216 SALLXJST ON THE 

was quite naked on that side, the Numidians being 
all employed in the opposite quarter. 

When Marius was informed of the success of 
the Ligurian, although he had kept the garrison 
employed the whole of the day by a continued 
attack, he now, encouraging the soldiers, sallied from 
under the moving galleries, and drawing up his men 
into the form of a shell, rushed forward to the 
castle ; while the slingers and archers poured their 
volleys from a distance, and the engines incessantly 
played on the besieged. The Numidians, who had 
often before broken to pieces and even burned the 
Roman galleries, did not now defend themselves 
within their battlements, but passed whole days and 
nights without their walls, rallied at the efforts of 
the Romans; upbraided Marius with madness; 
and, in the height of their exultation, threatened to 
make our men slaves of Jugurtha. 

While both sides were warmly engaged in this 
vigorous struggle for glory and empire on the one 
hand, and life and liberty on the other, the trumpets 
on a sudden sounded in the enemy's rear. The 
women and children, who had come out to see the 
engagement, first fled in dismay ; after them such 
as were nearest the walls ; and at last the whole, 
armed and unarmed, fairly gave way. The Romans 
now pressed onward with greater vigour, over- 
throwing the enemy, and wounding most of them ; 
then advancing over the heaps of slain, they flew 
to the walls, all thirsting for glory, and each striving 
to be foremost, without regard to plunder. Thus 
did accidental success justify the rashness of Ma- 
rius, while his imprudence contributed to heighten 
his glory. 



JUGURTHINE WAR, 217 

100. During this transaction, Lucius Sylla, the 
quaestor, arrived in the camp with a great body of 
horse, having been left at Rome by Marius, to raise 
them in Latium and among our allies. And here, 
as this circumstance has led me to make mention 
of so extraordinary a man, it may not be improper 
to give some account of his genius and character ; 
especially as no other occasion may present itself 
for that purpose ; and as Sisenna, the best and most 
accurate of all those who have given us his history, 
does not appear to me to have spoken of him with 
sufficient freedom. 

Sylla was descended from an eminent patrician 
family ; but the lustre of which was almost wholly 
obscured by the degeneracy of his later ancestors. 
His mind, beyond question, was of a superior cast ; 
and it was cultivated by a perfect knowledge of 
Greek and Roman learning. Fond of pleasure, but 
still fonder of glory, he was in the intervals of 
leisure addicted to luxury ; but he never suffered 
pleasure to encroach on weightier concerns, nor to 
usurp an undue ascendency, if we except the occasion 
of his divorce, when even decency gave way to super- 
stition and luxury. 1 He was eloquent, artful, easy, 
and obliging in his friendships ; yet highly capable of 
disguising his real designs ; liberal of every thing, 

l This was on the death of Metella, his second wife, to whom he is 
said to have been ardently attached. The circumstances of Metella's 
death are thus stated by Plutarch : — " Sylla," he says, " gave the people 
a magnificent entertainment, on account of his dedicating the tenth of 
his substance to Hercules. The provisions were so overabundant, that 
a great quantity was thrown, every day, into the river; and the wine 
that was drunk was forty years old at least. In the midst of this feast- 
ing, which lasted many days, Metella sickened and died. As the 
priests forbade him to approach her, and to have his house defiled with? 
mourning, he sent her a bill of divorce, and ordered her to be carried ta 
another house, while the breath was in her body; his superstition 
making him very punctilious in observing, these laws of the priests; 
Sal.— T 



218 SALLUST ON THE 

especially of his money. He was indeed the most 
fortunate of men, before his success in the civil 
wars ; yet his fortune never surpassed his merit ; 
and by some it has been made a question, whether 
he was more brave or more fortunate. As to his 
conduct after the civil war, I know not how it is to 
be recounted, whether with greater shame or horror. 

101. When Sylla went into Africa, and had 
joined Marius in his camp, though he was before 
wholly unacquainted with the military art, yet in a 
short time he became a very able officer. He was, 
moreover, very affable to the soldiers ; ever ready 
to grant them favours ; unwilling to receive benefits 
himself, but more forward to repay them than if they 
had been a debt of money; would never receive 
any return for the favours he bestowed, but rather 
aimed to attach mankind to him by his obliging 
conduct. He often entered into conversation with 
the common soldiers, talking sometimes jocosely, 
sometimes seriously ; was with them on every occa- 
sion, in their marches, in their works, and in their 
watchings ; nor did he, in the mean time, wound 
the character of the consul, or any other worthy 
person, according to the base practice of those who 
are actuated by ambition ; striving assiduously 
to suffer none to surpass him in counsel or action, 
in both which he excelled most others. By this 
conduct and these qualifications, he was in a short 
time greatly beloved by Marius and the whole 
army. 

102. Jugurtha, after the loss of Capsa and other 
strong and important places, together with a great 
portion of his treasure, sent messengers to Bocchus, 
pressing him to hasten his march into Numidia ; 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 219 

for that this was a proper time to give the enemy 
battle. But finding him irresolute, and weighing 
the motives for peace and those for war, he gained 
over his confidants by money, as he had formerly 
done ; and even promised <the Moor himself the 
third part of Numidia, on condition that the Romans 
were either driven out of Africa, or recovered his 
whole dominions by a treaty of peace. Bocchus, 
tempted with such an offer, marched immediately 
to Jugurtha. 

When both armies were joined, they fell on Ma- 
rius, as he was going into winter cantonments, 
towards the close of the evening ; persuading them- 
selves, that if they were worsted, the night would 
serve to cover their retreat ; if victorious, that it 
would be no disadvantage to them, since they were 
so well acquainted with the country ; whereas 
the darkness would increase the confusion, and add 
to the distress of the Romans, whatever might be 
the issue of the battle. 

The enemy was already in full view, just as the 
consul was receiving manifold information of their 
approach; and before the army could be formed or 
the baggage drawn together, nay, before the signal 
or any orders could be given, the Moorish and 
Gaetulian horse poured down on them; not in 
dus order, or agreeably to any regular method, but 
in irregular troops or masses, as chance had col- 
lected them together. The Romans, though alarmed 
at so unexpected an onset, yet mindful of their 
former bravery, boldly grasped their arms, all ready 
to encounter the enemy, or defend those who were 
yet unarmed. Some of them mounted their horses, 
and advanced against the foe. The whole action 



220 SALLUST ON THE 

more resembled an encounter with banditti than a 
regular battle ; horse and foot were jumbled together, 
without standards or ranks ; some were cut to 
pieces, others were mangled ; many, while they 
were engaging the foe vigorously in front, were 
themselves attacked in the rear; neither courage 
nor arms were a sufficient security ; for the enemy, 
being far more numerous, surrounded us on all 
sides. 

At last the Romans, wherever they happened to 
meet in parties, both the veterans and new-raised 
soldiers (for they too had learned war by practice 
and example), threw themselves into circular 
bodies ; and thus, having a front every way, they 
sustained the shock of the enemy. 

103. In this emergency, the spirit of Marius 
was not in the least daunted, nor his courage more 
sunk than on former occasions ; but with his own 
troop, which he had filled up with men of the 
greatest bravery, without any regard to personal 
friendship in the choice of them, he darted through 
the field, one while succouring his own men in dis- 
tress, another charging the thickest of the enemy 
in person ; and, by the use of his sword, rendering 
important services, since it was impossible for him 
to act the part of a general amid such a scene of 
confusion. 

By this time night approached, and the Barba- 
rians as yet relaxed nothing of their impetuosity. 
Agreeably to the orders of the two kings, who 
considered the darkness an advantage to them, they 
charged with still greater ardour. Marius, there- 
fore, as the best measure his circumstances would 
admit of, in order to secure a place of refuge for 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 221 

Ms army, resolved to take possession of two hills 
near each other ; one of which, though not suffi- 
ciently large to encamp on, produced a copious 
spring of water : the other was of more ample 
circuit, and more suitable for the purpose, being 
very lofty and steep, and requiring but little fortifi- 
cation. Here he ordered Sylla to pass the night 
by the spring, with his cavalry ; and having by de- 
grees collected his scattered troops (the enemy being 
still in no less confusion), he gained possession of 
the other eminence. The two kings, although dis- 
couraged by the difficulty of the ascent from making 
any further attack, did not suffer their forces to 
retire ; but investing both the heights with their 
disorderly multitudes, encamped in that extended 
circuit. The Barbarians, according to their custom, 
passed most of the night in rioting and merriment. 
Frantic with 303^, they kindled numerous fires, and 
wildly danced round them, rending the air with 
savage yells. Their leaders, too, were highly 
elated, and behaved like conquerors, because they 
had been enabled to maintain their ground. 

104. All this was easily perceived by the Ro- 
mans, who were posted on the heights, and gave 
$hem no slight encouragement. The confidence 
of Marius being increased by the unskilful conduct 
of the enemy, he ordered a profound silence to be 
kept, not even suffering the trumpets to sound, as 
usual, when the guard was changed ; and as soon 
as day appeared, while the enemy were now weary 
and just fallen asleep, he directed all the trumpets, 
both of horse and foot, throughout the army, to 
sound at once, and the soldiers to pour down on the 
enemy with a terrible shout. The Moors and 
T % 



222 SALLUST ON THE 

Gaetulians, suddenly aroused from their slumber, 
and seized with consternation at a tumult so wild 
and horrible, could neither fly nor take arms ; they 
were utterly incapable to act, or to contrive any 
thing for their own security ; and wholly over- 
powered with the uproar, the confusion, and the 
tremendousness of the assault, — severely pressed 
on all sides by the fury of their adversaries, without 
receiving any assistance from their own leaders, — 
they were completely routed, and put to flight. 
Most of their arms and military standards were 
taken ; and their loss in this battle exceeded that 
which they had experienced in all their former 
engagements. 

105. Marius now pursued his march into his 
winter cantonments, which he had determined to fix 
in the maritime districts, for the sake of provisions. 
In the mean time, his late victory made him neither 
remiss nor imperious ; but, as if the enemy had 
been in view, he marched with his army in form of 
a square. Sylla commanded the cavalry on the 
right ; Aulus Manlius, with the slingers and archers, 
as also the Ligurian cohorts, on the left : in the 
front and rear he posted the tribunes with the light- 
armed foot The deserters, being of small account, 
were employed to observe the motions of the enemy, 
as they were perfectly well acquainted with the 
country. The consul, as though he had committed 
no share of the command to any other, carefully 
attended to every thing himself, went to every 
quarter, applauding some, reprimanding others, 
according to their merits ; and as he was constantly 
armed and ready for action himself, he obliged 
others to adopt a similar precaution. Nor was he 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 223 

less cautious in fortifying his camp : he committed 
the guard of the gates to the cohorts of the legions, 
and that without the gates to the auxiliary horse, 
placing others on the lines and ramparts, and visiting 
them all in person : not from any distrust that disci- 
pline was relaxed, or that his orders were neglected ; 
but he well knew that fatigue and hardship would 
be borne by the soldiers with greater cheerfulness 
when they saw the general take an equal share. 
In the whole course of the war against Jugurtha, 
Marius maintained good order in the army more by 
the shame of offending than the fear of punishment : 
a line of conduct which some imputed to his passion 
for popularity; while others alleged that, being 
inured to hardships from his childhood, he took 
pleasure in habits of fatigue, which others would 
have been most anxious to escape. This much, 
however, is certain ; the affairs of the state were 
managed with as much success and dignity as if 
his command had been ever so rigorous. 

106. On the fourth day after the battle, when 
they were not far from Cirta, the scouts appeared 
on all sides, advancing with great haste ; whence 
it was concluded that the enemy were not far dis- 
tant : but as they returned from different quarters, 
yet all with the same account, the consul, without 
making any alteration in the disposition of his army, 
resolved to wait the coming of the enemy in the 
same order which he had preserved on his march. 
This disconcerted Jugurtha, who had divided his 
troops into four parts, flattering himself that some 
of them must certainly attack the Romans in the 
rear with advantage. 

Sylla, on whom the enemy first fell, having 



224 SALLUST ON THE 

encouraged his men, charged the Moors at the head 
of some troops in as close order as possible ; the 
rest, without moving from their ground, defended 
themselves from the darts thrown at a distance, and 
cut to pieces all who ventured to come up to close 
with them. 

107. During this engagement of the horse, 
Bocchus attacked our rear with a body of infantry 
brought up by his son Volux, who had not advanced 
with sufficient expedition to be present at the former 
battle. Marius was then in the front, making head 
against Jugurtha, who fought there with a numerous 
force. But the Numidian prince, when he heard 
of the arrival of Bocchus, wheeled about with a 
few attendants towards our infantry, and called aloud 
to our men in Latin (which he learned to speak at 
the siege of Numantia), " that they fought to no 
purpose, as he had just before slain Marius with 
his own hand ;" and at the same time brandishing 
his sword died with the blood of a legionary soldier 
slain by him in the encounter with great bravery. 
Struck with horror at intelligence so disastrous, 
rather than putting trust in the veracity of the author 
of it, the troops stood aghast ; while the Barbarians, 
with redoubled vigour, pressed on the Romans, who 
were disheartened, and on the point of betaking 
themselves to flight, when Sylla, having routed 
those with whom he had been engaged, fell on the 
Moors in their flank ; on which Bocchus gave 
ground, and betook himself to flight. 

Jugurtha, while he endeavoured to rally his men, 
and to maintain the advantage he had gained, was 
enclosed both on the right and left by our horse ; 
when, by a desperate effort, he broke singly through 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 225 

the enemy, and escaped amid a shower of darts. 
By this time Marius, who had routed the cavalry, 
came to the relief of that division of the army 
which was said to be giving way, and by his pres- 
ence helped to complete the victory. 

108. The field now displayed a shocking spec- 
tacle of carnage and destruction ; some flying, 
others pursuing ; some killed, others taken prison- 
ers ; horses and men prostrate in the agonies of 
death : many covered with wounds and striving to 
escape, yet falling to the ground in the fruitless 
endeavour. Along the plain, as far as the eye 
could reach, nothing was to be seen but swords, and 
javelins, and bucklers, amid the carcasses of the 
slain ; and the earth died with human gore. 

The consul, now undoubtedly conqueror, pursued 
his march to Cirta, as he at first intended. Here, 
five days after the defeat of the Barbarians, deputies 
arrived from Bocchus, requesting of him, in the 
name of the king their master, to despatch two 
persons in whom he could confide, that he might 
treat with them on matters which concerned his 
own interest and that of the Roman people. The 
consul, without delay, sent Sylla and Manlius, who, 
although the king had solicited the embassy, yet 
thought proper to take the lead in opening the con- 
ference, in order to dispose him to peace, if he ap- 
peared adverse to it ; or, if he were really inclined 
to it, to strengthen that disposition. Accordingly 
Sylla, to whom Manlius gave precedence, in con- 
sideration of his eloquence, and not of his seniority, 
thus briefly addressed himself to Bocchus : — 

109. "It is a great pleasure to us, King Boc- 
chus, that the gods have disposed a prince of your 



226 SALLUST ON THE 

merit to prefer peace to war, and no longer to stain 
your own distinguished character by uniting with 
Jugurtha, the most profligate of mankind ; since 
you have thus delivered us from the disagreeable 
necessity of pursuing you both with the like ven- 
geance : you, for the too easy credulity with which 
you have rendered him assistance ; and him, for his 
enormous crimes. The Roman people, even in the 
infancy of their state, when their territory was but 
limited, always deemed it better policy to procure 
friends than subjects ; thinking it safer to rule over 
such as yielded a willing obedience, than those 
who obeyed only through compulsion. 

" Nor can any alliance be more truly advantage- 
ous to you than ours : one great reason for which 
is, that we are placed at so great a distance from 
you, that you cannot be apprehensive of receiving 
any injuries from us ; and yet we are ready to be 
as serviceable to you, as though we were your 
neighbours. As another inducement, our subjects 
are sufficiently numerous, and we are only anxious 
to increase the number of our friends, of whom 
neither we nor any other state ever had enough. 

" Happy had it been for yourself, had you earlier 
adopted the present course : and in that case you 
would certainly, before now, have received more 
benefits from the Roman people, than you have 
suffered calamities from their arms. But since it 
is the determination of Fortune, which overrules 
the greatest part of human affairs, that you should 
make trial of the force of our enmity, as well as 
of our friendship, embrace quickly the occasion she 
now offers, and accomplish speedily what you have 
now begun. You have many opportunities, and 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 227 

many things in your power, for retrieving your past 
conduct by future services. To conclude : be 
firmly persuaded of this, that the Romans are never 
to be surpassed in generosity : of their prowess in 
war you have already had sufficient experience." 

110. To this address Bocchus returned a very 
courteous answer, making at the same time a brief 
apology for his misconduct ; and alleging, " that he 
had recourse to arms from no hostile intention, but 
purely to defend his own territories ; that he could 
not remain an indifferent spectator of the progress 
of Marius, who had lain waste that part of Numidia 
which was his own by the right of war, having 
conquered it from Jugurtha ; that he had formerly 
sent ambassadors to Rome, to solicit her friendship 
and alliance, but was rejected; yet, that as he was 
unwilling to dwell on the past, he would again send 
deputies to the senate, if permitted to do so by 
Marius." 

When this offer was laid before the consul, he 
readily assented to the proposition ; but the mind 
of the Barbarian was again changed by such of his 
confidants as were corrupted by presents from 
Jugurtha ; who, when informed that Sylla and 
Manlius had been sent to Bocchus, naturally appre- 
hended that their visit portended no good to his 
cause. 

Marius, meanwhile, having settled his army in 
winter cantonments, marched into the deserts with 
a detachment of light-armed cohorts and part of 
his cavalry, with intent to besiege a castle belong- 
ing to Jugurtha, in which he had placed all the 
Eoman deserters to defend the garrison. During 
this siege, Bocchus, either reflecting on his late 



228 SALLUST ON THE 

defeats, or wrought on by some others of his confi- 
dants, whom Jugurtha had not already corrupted, 
resumed his former sentiments, and chose from 
among his friends five ambassadors, of proved 
integrity and eminent abilities : these he ordered to 
go to Marius, and afterward, if he should, think 
proper, to Rome ; giving them full powers to nego- 
tiate affairs, and end the war on any terms. 

111. The ambassadors departed speedily for the 
winter-quarters of the Romans ; but being beset on 
the road, and stripped of all they had, by Gsetulian 
robbers, they pursued their march to Sylla, whom 
the consul, when he began his expedition, had left 
with the rank of propraetor. Sylla received them 
not as faithless enemies, but in a respectful and 
generous manner ; with which the Barbarians were 
so much pleased, that they discredited all they had 
heard of the avarice of the Romans, and concluded 
Sylla to be their friend, from his munificence 
towards them : for many were still ignorant, in those 
days, that bounties were ever bestowed from inter- 
ested views ; every generous man being then 
thought benevolent, and all presents to proceed 
from kindness. 

Before Sylla, therefore, they laid their orders 
from Bocchus, beseeching him at the same time to 
assist them with his advice and good offices. They 
also spoke in high terms of the wealth, honour, 
and power of their king, forgetting nothing which 
they thought would be subservient to their design, 
or tend to gain the favour of the quaestor. When 
Sylla had promised all they desired, and instructed 
them in what manner to address Marius, and after- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 229 

ward the senate, they still remained there about 
forty days. 

112. Marius, unsuccessful in his enterprise, 
now returned to Oirta; and being informed of the 
arrival of the ambassadors, he sent for them to his 
head-quarters, together with Sylla. He likewise 
summoned Lucius Bellienus the praetor from Utica, 
with every other person of senatorian rank, to take 
into consideration the proposals of Bocchus, whose 
deputies were at length permitted to proceed to 
Rome, and, at their request, a cessation of arms 
was granted until they should return. Sylla and 
the greater part of the council approved of this 
measure ; but there were a few who, unacquainted 
with the nature of human affairs, forgot that they 
are ever fluctuating and inconstant, and often for the 
worse, proposed harsher measures. 

The Moors having thus far succeeded, three of 
them proceeded to Rome, with C. Octavius Rufo, 
who had come into Africa as quaestor, with money 
for the army ; two returned to the king, who heard 
with pleasure the account they gave him of all that 
had passed, and especially the kindness of Sylla, 
and the many demonstrations of friendship they 
had received from him. 

On their arrival at Rome, they implored pardon 
of the senate for the misconduct of the king, into 
which, they said, he had fallen through the artifices 
of Jugurtha, and desiring to be admitted into friend- 
ship and alliance, received the following answer : 
" That the senate and people of Rome were always 
mindful both of favours and injuries ; that they 
were willing to pardon Bocchus, because he repented 
of his transgression, and would admit him into 

Sal.— U 



230 SALLUST ON THE 

friendship and alliance when his conduct and 
services deserved it." 

113. When Bocchus received this intelligence, 
he wrote to Marius, requesting that Sylla might be 
sent to him, through whose counsel and advice 
matters might be adjusted between them. Sylla 
was accordingly sent, with a guard of horse and 
foot, composed of Balearian slingers, a certain 
number of archers, and a cohort from Pelignum, 
with light arms for the sake of expedition ; which 
however secured them, and enabled them to resist 
the light weapons of the enemy. 

On the fifth day of their march, Volux, the son 
of Bocchus, appeared on a sudden in the open 
plains at the head of a thousand horse, who, 
advancing hastily and without any regularity, ap- 
peared to be still more numerous, and caused Sylla 
and his party to suspect they were enemies. Im- 
pressed with that idea, the troops instantly made 
ready their arms, and put themselves in a posture 
of defence. They were not, indeed, without appre- 
hension; but their hopes preponderated, as the 
contest was to be with adversaries with whom they 
had often contended, and as frequently defeated. 
In the mean time, the horsemen who were sent to 
reconnoitre them returned with tidings which re- 
moved all their apprehensions. 

114. Volux immediately rode up, and, address- 
ing himself to the quaestor, informed him that he 
was sent forward by his father to receive and to 
guard him. Accordingly, they continued their 
march together for that and the following day with- 
out alarm ; but in the evening, when they had 
already pitched their camp, the Moorish prince ran 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 231 

to Sylla with an air of consternation, and told him 
with trepidation that he had just learned from his 
scouts, " that Jugurtha was near at hand ;" at the 
same time asking and entreating the qugestor "to 
fly away with him privately in the night." To 
which Sylla resolutely replied, " that he was not 
afraid of the Numidian, whom he had so often van- 
quished ; that he did not distrust the courage of his 
troops ; and that, were he sure of meeting certain 
destruction, he would stand his ground, rather than 
basely fly, and betray those who were placed under 
his command, merely to save a life at best but of 
precarious tenure, and which might perhaps in a 
short time become the victim of disease." 

Volux, however, proposing to him to march in the 
night-time, he approved of the measure ; and imme 
diately ordered his men to make a great numbei 
of fires in the camp, after they had taken some re 
freshment, and then to march silently at the first 
watch of the night. Next morning about sunrise, 
when they were all thoroughly fatigued with their 
inarch, as Sylla was about to encamp, the Moorish 
horsemen acquainted him that Jugurtha had pitched 
his camp about two miles distant. On hearing 
this, our men were seized with great consternation, 
believing themselves betrayed and led into an am- 
bush by Volux ; and some even proposed that he 
should be put to death, declaring that such perfidy 
called aloud for vengeance. 

115. Sylla, although he entertained the same 
suspicion as others, would not suffer his men to 
offer any violence to the prince. He exhorted 
them " to be firm and courageous ; reminded them 
that a few brave troops had often prevailed against 



232 SALLUST ON THE 

a numerous army ; that the less they spared them- 
selves in battle, the more secure they would be ; 
that those who had arms in their hands should 
never seek refuge in flight ; nor in the midst of 
danger turn their backs, which were blind and de- 
fenceless, towards the weapons of the enemy." 
Then, invoking the mighty Jove to bear testimony 
to the guilt and treachery of Bocchus, he ordered 
Volux to depart from the camp, as one who had 
hostile intentions. 

The prince, with tears in his eyes, entreated him 
" not to entertain any such suspicion ; that nothing 
of this had happened by any treachery on his part, 
but rather through the subtlety of Jugurtha, who, 
being constantly in quest of intelligence, had dis- 
covered his route. However, as he had no great 
force with him, and depended entirely on Bocchus 
for strength and support, he did not imagine that he 
would dare to make any open attempt, where the 
son of Bocchus must be witness to it ; so that he 
thought his best course would be to march boldly 
through the middle of his camp. That for himself, 
he would either order his men to lead the way, or 
halt them there, and then proceed alone, in company 
with Sylla." 

In such an extremity, this proposal was approved 
of. Accordingly, they immediately advanced, and 
passed without molestation; Jugurtha being sur- 
prised at their unexpected conduct, and not having 
time to form any resolution. In a few days after, 
they reached their destination. 

116. There was at that time a certain Numidian, 
called Aspar, in the court of Bocchus, with whom 
he enjoyed great freedom and familiarity, and who 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 233 

had been despatched thither by Jugurtha, on the 
rumour of Sylla's journey, in order to promote his 
interest, and to pry narrowly into all the designs 
of Bocchus. There was also one Dabar in his 
court, the son of Massugrada, and descended from 
Masinissa, but of extraction inferior by the mother's 
side, as he himself had been born of a concubine. 
Bocchus, whose favour and confidence he had 
gained by his many excellent accomplishments, 
having found him on many former occasions a true 
friend to the Romans, despatched him forthwith to 
Sylla to acquaint him, " that he was ready to comply 
with whatever the Romans required; that Sylla 
himself might appoint the day, the place, and even 
the hour of conference ; that he had reserved every 
thing to be adjusted by himself and Sylla ; that the 
presence of an ambassador from Jugurtha ought 
not to give him umbrage, since he was admitted to 
the negotiation with the sole view of facilitating it, 
as it was impossible by any other means to defeat 
the dark measures of the Numidian prince." 

But it appears, from every fact which can be 
learned, that Bocchus acted more like a perfidious 
African than agreeably to his professions, amusing 
both the Romans and Jugurtha with hopes of 
peace; that he frequently debated within himself 
whether he should deliver up Jugurtha to the 
Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha ; and that he was 
hostile to us in his heart, but his fears operated in 
our favour. 

117. In answer to the message by Dabar, Sylla 
replied, " that he should say but little in the pres- 
ence of Aspar, reserving what he might desire to 
add to be communicated in secret to the king alone, 
U2 



234 SALLUST ON THE 

or at least in the presence of very few :" instruct- 
ing Dabar at the same time as to the answer which 
he expected to receive from Bocchus, in the pres- 
ence of others. When the time appointed for the 
conference arrived, Sylla declared, "that he came by 
order of the consul, to know his final resolution as 
to peace or war." 

The king, agreeably to his instructions, desired 
Sylla to return in about ten days, when he should 
have a decisive answer, for that as yet he had not 
been able to come to a determination. On this, 
both departed to their respective camps. 

But when the night was far advanced, Bocchus 
sent privately for Sylla; none were admitted on 
either side but trusty interpreters, except Dabar, a 
man of strict honour, who mediated between them, 
and was sworn, by mutual consent, to make faithful 
representations to each. On which the king thus 
began : 

118. "I never imagined, that I, the most 
powerful prince in this part of the world, and the 
richest of all those I know, should ever be under 
obligations to a private person. And indeed, Sylla, 
before I knew you, I have often assisted great num- 
bers at their own request, and many of my own 
accord, but never stood in need of a return. The 
case is now altered ; an alteration for which others 
usually mourn, but in • which I rejoice. I shall 
always glory once to have had occasion for your 
friendship, which I value above every thing. And 
as a proof of my sincerity, accept of my forces, my 
arms, my money, and whatever else you desire ; 
use them as your own ; and after all, never think, 
so long as you live, that I have made you a suf- 



JTJGURTHINE WAR. 235 

ficient requital for your favours. My gratitude shall 
still continue the same ; nor shall you ever desire 
any thing in vain that is in my power to grant : 
for, in my opinion, it is more dishonourable for a 
prince to be outdone in generosity, than vanquished 
in arms. 

" As to the affairs of your commonwealth, whose 
interests you are come hither to take care of, hear 
what I have briefly to say. I never made war on 
the Roman people ; nor so much as intended it : I 
only defended my own dominions against an armed 
force that came to invade them ; and now, since it 
is your pleasure, I shall desist. Carry on the war 
with Jugurtha just as you think proper. I shall 
never pass the river Mulucha, the boundary between 
me and Micipsa, nor suffer Jugurtha to come over 
to my side. If you have any thing further to ask 
worthy of Bocchus and your republic, it shall be 
granted you." 

119. Sylla returned a brief and modest reply 
to all that related to himself ; on the business of 
peace, and the object of the negotiation, he enlarged 
with eloquence and ability. He told the king, " that 
the proposition he had made could not be considered 
in the light of a favour by the senate and people of 
Rome, who, having evinced themselves superior in 
arms, might claim it as their right. He must do 
something that would appear more for their benefit 
than for his own, — -an easy task, as he had Jugurtha 
in his power : and if he would deliver him up to 
the Romans, they would then be greatly indebted 
to him, and admit him freely to their friendship and 
alliance, with a grant of that part of Numidia which 
he claimed." 



236 SALLTJST ON THE 

The king at first refused this condition, urging 
the ties of blood, those of affinity, and existing 
solemn leagues ; alleging, too, that he was appre- 
hensive lest, by acting so treacherously, he should 
lose the affections of his own subjects, who loved 
Jugurtha, and abhorred the Romans. But yielding 
at last to the importunity of Sylla, he reluctantly 
consented to all that was required of him. 

Measures were then concerted for carrying on the 
semblance of a negotiation for peace, in which Ju- 
gurtha, now quite weary of the war, was solicitous 
to be included. Having thus laid their plot, they 
parted. 

120. Bocchus next day summoned before him 
Aspar, Jugurtha's minister, and informed him, that 
in consequence of an overture, through Dabar, from 
Sylla, the war might now be concluded on proper 
terms : he should therefore go and discover the 
sentiments of his master. Aspar hastened with joy 
to Jugurtha's camp ; and having received ample 
instructions, returned with expedition to Bocchus, 
in eight days, and represented to him, " that Jugur- 
tha was disposed to comply with whatever was 
required of him ; but that he could not rely on Ma- 
rius, as he had often made treaties of peace with 
the Roman generals, which were never ratified at 
Rome. If Bocchus wished to consult, not only 
Jugurtha's interest, but his own, and to secure a 
peace both permanent and advantageous, he would 
procure a meeting of all the parties, under pretence 
of conferring respecting the terms of it, and then 
deliver Sylla into his hands. Were they once in 
possession of a person of such importance, a treaty 
of peace would then be concluded by order of the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 237 

senate and people of Rome, who would never suffer 
one of his quality to remain in the hands of an 
enemy, into which he had fallen, not through ill 
conduct, but in the performance of his duty to the 
state." 

121. The Moor, after having long reflected on 
this proposal, at length assented ; but whether sin- 
cerely, or with a view to render Jugurtha the dupe 
of his own artifice, it is riot easy to determine. The 
inclinations of princes, indeed, as they are generally 
violent, so they are unsteady, and often inconsistent. 
Time and place being now appointed for a treaty, 
Bocchus one while conferrecf with Sylla, another 
with Jugurtha's minister ; caressed each, and flat- 
tered them separately with the same prospect of 
success. 

On the night preceding the day fixed for the 
treaty, the Moor, calling his friends together, then 
suddenly changing sentiments, and dismissing them, 
is reported to have had many violent struggles 
within himself; insomuch, that his frequent changes 
of countenance, and external agitations, clearly 
discovered, notwithstanding his silence, the various 
emotions of his mind. At length he resolved, sent 
for Sylla, and, in concert with him, gave final orders 
for preparing an ambush for the Numidian king. 1 

When the day dawned, and intelligence was 
brought of Jugurtha's approach, Bocchus went forth 
to meet him, attended by Sylla and a few of his 
own courtiers, under pretence of doing him honour, 

1 Plutarch says, that Bocchus had, for some time, both hated and feared 
his son-in-law Jugurtha ; but that he chose rather to allow Sylla to seize 
him than to commit that act of violence himself. When he saw, how- 
ever, both Jugurtha and Sylla at his disposal, and was under the necessity 
of betraying either the one or the other, he debated long with himself, 
which should be the victim : at last he decided in favour of the Romans. 



238 SALLUST ON THE 

as far as a small eminence, in full view of the troops 
who were posted in secret. The Nmnidian prince, 
according to agreement, came wholly unarmed, with 
many of his friends and dependants ; and imme- 
diately, on a signal given, those who lay in wait to 
seize him rushed forward and surrounded the place. 
All his attendants were put to the sword, and he 
himself delivered over in chains to Sylla, who 
conducted him to the camp of Marius. 

122. About this period, in Gaul, ill success and 
discomfiture had attended our arms. Quintus Cae- 
pio and Marcus Silanus, who commanded in that 
province, had been defeated by the Cimbri, the terror 
of whose name began to fill all Italy with consterna- 
tion. 1 From that period down to the present times, 



1 Caepio was consul, A. U. C. 647, and Manlius in 648. The senate had 
continued for another year the appointment of the former to Narbonese 
Gaul, in order that there might be two consular armies, to make head 
against the Barbarians. But so unfortunate was the issue of the cam- 
paign, that the camps of both commanders were stormed, the two sons 
of the consul Manlius slain, together with the loss, according to Valerius 
Antias, of no fewer than eighty thousand men, on the part of the Romans, 
and fifty thousand sutlers, slaves, and other retainers of the camp. But 
this ancient historian, as Livy tells us, was extremely apt to exaggerate 
in his computations. 

It is certain that the commonwealth never was in greater danger than 
at this period. The enemy were Barbarians of the most fierce and war- 
like character. Sallust calls them Gauls ; but they were, more properly 
speaking, Germans, under the names of Cimbri and Teutones, from the 
coast of the Baltic Sea, and were joined by the Tigurini, who dwelt near 
the Alps, in the country which is now the canton of Zurich. The Bar- 
barian host consisted of no fewer than three hundred thousand fighting 
men, besides a still greater number of women and children that accom- 
panied them ; a computation, says Plutarch, that was at first thought 
incredible, but afterward turned out to be short of the truth. This vast 
multitude were in quest of lands on which they might subsist, and of 
cities wherein they might dwell. They knew the success of the Celtae, 
in former periods, in expelling the Tuscans, and possessing themselves 
of their territories ; and leaving their woods and marshes in the north, 
they hung like a cloud over Gaul and Italy, and threatened the destruction 
of both countries. Being refused by the senate a grant of lands, as they 
had requested, they resolved to seize by force what by entreaty they could 
not obtain, and for that purpose they prepared to cross the Alps. The 
first general that went against them was Silanus, and him they soon 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 239 

it is certain that, while other nations yielded to our 
valour, our contests with the Gauls furnished no 
subject for glory : as, instead of being subdued, 
they were with difficulty restrained within their own 
frontier. 

When intelligence reached Eome of the success- 
ful issue of the war against Jugurtha, and that that 
prince was coming over from Africa in chains, 
Marius, though absent, was elected consul for the 
second time, and soon had the province of Gaul 
assigned him. On the first of January, the day on 
which he entered into office, he triumphed with 
extraordinary splendour ; and thus the hopes and 
the resources of his country were centred in the 
efforts of a single man. 

defeated. Manlius and Caepio had, if possible, still worse success. In 
a word, says Floras, the republic was undone, had not Marius arisen in 
this critical juncture, and by his military talents saved his country. 



(240) 



APPENDIX. 



The conclusion of this history is still more abrupt and unsatisfactory 
than that of the Conspiracy of Catiline ; as there were several circum- 
stances, in regard both to Africa and Italy, which the historian might- 
have stated with the best effect. 

The triumph of Marius was one of the most magnificent ever recorded' 
in the history of the commonwealth. From the Campus Martius, from 
which the procession set out, the whole way to the capitol, the streets 
were crowded with the splendid retinue, or with the exulting troops of the 
victorious general. Marius appeared aloft, in his chariot of ivory, inlaid 
with gold, drawn as usual by four milk-white horses. In his right hand 
he bore the branch of palm-tree or laurel, and in his left the ivory sceptre. 
He had on the purple robe, richly embroidered with gold ; and on his^ 
finger the ring of" iron (as rings of gold were not as yet worn at Rome), 
while a slave carried over his head the splendid crown, set with jewels,, 
and which dazzled the eyes of all beholders. After the milk-white vic- 
tims, from the river Clitumnus, and the spoils and arms of the enemy, 
there were carried, we are assured, in this triumph, no fewer than three 
thousand seven hundred pounds of gold, five thousand seven hundred 
and seventy-five of silver bullion ; and of -silver coin, seventeen thousand 
and twenty-eight drachmas. 

The object which of all others attracted the greatest curiosity was 
Jugurtha, who appeared in chains, together with his two sons, and their 
attendants, at the chariot-wheels of the conqueror. The sight was pe- 
culiarly gratifying to the Roman people, who never expected, during 
Jugurtha's life, to have witnessed a termination of the war. But an 
exhibition so humiliating was more than could be borne by that^high- 
spirited prince, who, it is said, before the close of the procession, lost 
his senses. 

When the triumph ended, and the captives, as usual, were to be 
sent to execution, Jugurtha was led to the Tullian dungeon, the same 
in which the accomplices of Catiline were afterward strangled. Such 
was the haste of the lictors to strip him, and to seize the splendid orna- 
ments of his person, that his robe was rent to pieces, and the tips of his 
ears torn away, together with the rich pendants with which they were 
adorned. On being precipitated naked to the bottom of the vault, says 
Plutarch, he cried out, with a frantic smile, " Heavens ! how very cold 
is this bath of yours !" which were the last words he was heard to utter. 
There, struggling for six days with cold and hunger, he met a fate 
which was worthy of his life, and the multitude of his crimes. Eutro- 
pius and some others say, that he was strangled in prison. At the 
end of a number of the MS. copies of Sallust is found the following. 



APPENDIX. 241 

distich, which seems intended to compensate for the silence of the 
historian : 

Si cupis ignotum Jugurtha? noscere lethum, 
Tarpeise rupis pulsus ad ima ruit. 

But the idea of his being thrown down from the Tarpeian rock rests 
on no ancient authority, and probably proceeded from the writer misap- 
prehending the meaning of Plutarch, or the situation of the Tullian 
dungeon, to the bottom of which it was usual to precipitate malefactors. 
Thus, within something less than a hundred years, the pride of the 
Romans was gratified, by seeing three foreign kings led at the chariot- 
wheels of their consuls. First, Syphax, king of Western Numidia, 
who was taken captive, A. U. 552, by Scipio Africanus the elder; next, 
Perseus, king of Macedon, by Paulus iErnilius ; and Jugurtha, by Marius, 
on the present occasion. 

Marius hung up his trophies in the capitol, and dedicated them to 
Jupiter. Sylla had medals struck, and distributed all over Rome, of 
which some are still preserved in the cabinets of the curious, having on 
one side Marius, in his triumphal chariot, drawn by four horses abreast, 
holding in one hand the reins, and in the other the branch of palm-tree ; 
the legend, C. Marius. C. F. Coss. On the reverse, is a head of the 
Capitoline Jupiter ; the legend, L. Cornel. Sylla. Pr. Q. The trophies 
of the Cimbric, as well as the African victories of Marius, are still to be 
seen in the court of the capitol at Rome. They are cut in stone ; and 
notwithstanding the opinion of Petrarch, who wishes to refer them 
solely to the conquest of Numidia, they seem intended to commemorate 
both of these achievements. The one which relates to the war with 
Jugurtha, as the President de Brosses well observes, is designated by 
the figures of various wild beasts of Africa on the shields and breast- 
plates. The other refers to the victories over the Cimbri, and has on it 
a reindeer's skin, the clothing of the ancient tribes of Germany, with 
the fur turned outwards ; and it supplies the place of a cuirass, in the 
centre of the piece. 

On the termination of the war against Jugurtha, the whole of his 
extensive kingdom did not immediately come under the dominion of the 
Romans. The districts bordering on Mauritania, from the river Mu- 
lucha, 'as far east as the Ampsaga, were ceded to King Bocchus, in 
consideration of his services, and the country called New Mauritania. 
It formerly was the kingdom of Syphax, or Western Numidia, and was, 
on the overthrow of that prince, bestowed on Masinissa. Hiempsal II., 
named by Appian Mandrestales, the son of Gulussa, and grandson of 
Masinissa, obtained another division. This was the same prince with 
whom the younger Marius and other exiles took refuge when driven by 
Sylla out of Italy, and very narrowly escaped being made prisoners. 
On this account," when Marius became master of Rome, he dethroned 
Hiempsal, and established Hiarbas or Hierta (the son of Gauda, and 
brother of Jugurtha) in his stead : but Pompey, by order of Sylla, after- 
ward attacked and put to death Hiarbas, and reinstated Hiempsal in his 
dominions. To Hiempsal succeeded Juba, who, in the civil wars, took 
up arms against Cassar, and was defeated at the great battle of Thapsus, 
together with Faustus Sylla, Petreius, and Afranius. On this all Africa 
was reduced into the form of a Roman province, of which Sallust became 
the first governor. Excepting the inconsiderable kingdom which Augus- 
tus bestowed on the younger Juba (a person more than once mentioned 
Sal.— X 



242 APPENDIX. 

above, as so eminent for his learning), and which, on the death of his 
son Ptolemy, reverted to the Romans, the whole of Numidia continued 
under their dominion until the dismemberment of the empire. 

Sallust, at the close of his narrative, in order to exalt the character 
of his favourite Marius, says, that the whole hopes and resources of his 
country were now centred in his single efforts. Like some other writers, 
the historian is willing to exaggerate the virtues he possessed, and to 
celebrate them at the expense of his contemporaries. 



THE END. 



( 1 ) 



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with a eapital manual— and there will never be, in as far as we can see, 
the smallest occasion for writing this story over again." — Blackwood. 

" This constitutes the seventh volume of the Family Library. It is 
incomparably the best life — the most careful and correct estimate of 
Alexander's achievements we have." — Monthly Magazine. 

" This is a much better book than any other in English on the same 
subject." — Athenceum. 

" It is ably and eloquently written." — B. Journal. 

" We have repeatedly borne testimony to the utility of this Library. It is 
one of the best that has ever been issued from the American press, and 
should be in the library of every family desirous of treasuring up useful 
knowledge."— Boston Statesman. 



I 



NATURAL HISTORY OF INSECTS. Illustrated toy 
numerous Engravings. 18mo. 

" Of all studies, perhaps there is none more captivating than that of 
animated nature The present volume is peculiarly useful and agree- 
able." — New- York Mirror. 

" The subject is full of interest and satisfaction, and is adapted to all 
classes of readers." — Albany Evening Journal. 

" The information is minute, well arranged, and clearly imparted, and 
cannot but recommend the work to general perusal in families." — New- 
York Standard. 

" It is the duty of every person having a family to put this excellent 
Library into the hands of his children." — N. Y. Mercantile Advertiser. 

" It seems to us, that it will prove at once agreeable and instructive to 
persons of all classes, and oecupy an appropriate place in the Family 
Library."— N Y. Daily Advertiser. 

" The study of animated nature, in itself pleasing, is absolutely neces- 
sary as a branch of useful knowledge. In the present work the subject 
is treated with peculiar adroitness, and contains only such details as 
render the study of Natural History amusing, and at the same time highly 
instructive. This volume, we should conceive, would be highly advanta- 
geous for the use of schools ; and we recommend its being placed in every 
one's library, as a work full of useful information."— Truth Teller. 

" The History of Insects is a curious one. Many of the details are 
wonderful and full of interest."— Philadelphia Inquirer. 

" This work must prove useful and interesting to all classes." 

Albany Daily Advertiser. 



[3] 



IilFE OF liORB BYRON. By John Gait, Esq. 18mo. 

" This volume has great merit, and is a valuable acquisition to litera- 
ture." — New-York Spectator. 

"The sprightly pen of the author has communicated uncommon inter- 
est to this work, and he appears to have done perfect justice to its inspired 
subject." — Albany Daily Advertiser. 

" The subject is one of very great interest, which is of course enhanced 
by the reputation of the writer." — Baltimore Republican. 

" Mr. Gait is one of the most fascinating writers of the age." — Journal 
of Commerce. 

" The work is well written, and gives many particulars in the career 
of the gifted bard which we never before met with in print." — Pennsyl- 
vania Inquirer. 

" It is the work of one of the most sprightly and popular writers of the 
day, and has the advantage of being comprised in the moderate compass 
of a single volume." — Evening Post. 

" Mr. Gait is in the habit of eliciting the truth from whatever he under- 
takes to consider or develop. So much of the exact truth, in respect to 
Byron, was never before discovered, collected, and set down, as we find 
in this very interesting volume."— C. Journal. 

" Gait is a powerful writer. His critical abilities and the rare oppor- 
tunity which he enjoyed of reading the heart-secrets of the mysterious 
poet give an undoubted value to this history." — New-York Cabinet. 

" This volume contains, in a concise but interesting form, a Memoir of 
the Life and Literary Labours of Lord Byron, by Mr. Gait ; whose classic 
pen imparts interest and value to every thing it touches." — Albany Eve- 
ning Journal. 

" Mr. Gait is well and favourably known as a writer."— Mercantile 
Advertiser. 



LIFE OF MOHAMMED, Founder of the Religion of 
Islam anil of the Empire of the Saracens. By the 
Rev. George Bush, M« A. Witli a plate, 18mo. 

"It seems to us to be a good narrative of the life of the great Arabian 
impostor, written in a fine style. . . . We are not aware that any other 
work of the same size contains the same quantity of information relative 
to the matters treated of, in as agreeable a form." — Com,. Advertiser. 

" We have so often recommended this enterprising and useful publica- 
tion (the Family Library), that we can here only add, that each succes- 
sive number appears to confirm its merited popularity." — N. Y. American. 

" This volume embraces a portion of history extremely interesting to 
the reader ; and the work well deserves a place among the others com- 
posing the valuable series of the Family Library."— Evening Journal. 

" The Family Library should be in the hands of every person. Thus 
far it has treated of subjects interesting to all, condensed in a perspicu- 
ous and agreeable style." — Courier Sr Enquirer. 

" Mr. Bush is a scholar of extensive acquirements, and well fitted for 
the task which he has undertaken in this volume." — N. Y. Observer. 

" In the collection of materials, the author appears to have neglected 
no source from which valuable aid was to be expected."— Philadelphia 
Daily Chronicle. 

" The history of the eminent impostor cannot but be a work of interest 
to every enlightened mind." — Penn. Inquirer. 

" We have found much to admire and commend in every preceding 
number of the Family Library ; but we believe the present will be allowed 
the place of honour."— U. S." Gazette. 

_ 



DEMOITOiLOGrsr AID WITCHCRAFT. By "Walter 

Scott, Bart. l§mo. WMk a plate* 

"The work is curious, interesting, and instructive."— Inquirer. 

" This volume is most interesting, and will be read with great pleasure 
by almost every class of readers." — U. S. Gazette. 

"It would be difficult to select a more interesting subject for the pen 
of a man of genius than that of popular superstitions. To say that Scott 
has made more of it than any other man could have done, is only to add 
another tribute to his acknowledged pre-eminence." — Boston Statesman. 

" The subject is most alluring, and the maimer in which it is handled 
is magical."— Athenaeum. 

" One of the most useful, and certainly one of the most amusing, in the 
Family Library."— Courier. 

" The subject is one in which Sir Walter is perfectly at home, and is 
handled with that tact and ability so peculiarly his own." — Globe. 

"We must leave this delightful volume to the delightful admiration 
which it will obtain, and to that consequent ' parlour window' immor- 
tality which it will command more surely and deservedly than any other 
of the writer's works." — C. Journal. H 

"All the volumes of this interesting and useful Library should be in 
the hands of our youth, as they will gain much knowledge and instruc- 
tion from their perusal. They peculiarly fit the mind for a more exten- 
sive entry on the subjects of which they treat, at a more mature period 
of life." — N. Y. Evening Journal. 

" This work will be sought for with avidity."— N. Y. Standard. 

" It is a delightful publication."-- Truth Teller. 

, "It hazards little to predict that this volume will prove the most popu- 
lar that has yet been put forth for the public amusement and instruction." 

Spectator. 

HISTORY OF THE BIBIaE. By Rev. <K. R. Glelg. 
In 3 vols. 18mo. With, a Map. 

"The style of it is surpassed by no work with which we are ac- 
quainted : it is highly finished, perspicuous and comprehensive. His- 
torical and biographical facts are well stated ; the prominent difficulties 
that present themselves to the mind of an intelligent or skeptical reader 
of the Bible, are boldly exhibited and ably explained ; the most plausible 
objections advanced by modern infidels are answered in a very philo- 
sophical, learned, and conclusive manner. The author has imbodied in 
it a vast deal of learning and research; has discovered superior ingenuity 
and force of intellect, and furnished, withal, a specimen of fine writing, 
which must secure a most favourable reception, as well among persons 
of taste, as those who are fond of Biblical studies. A valuable introduc- 
tion is prefixed to the work, showing the divine authority and authen- 
ticity of the Sacred Volume." — Albany Telegraph <$r Register. 

" Mr. Gleig's plan is very comprehensive, and, judging from the speci- 
men before us, we are persuaded that it will prove fully satisfactory 
to a Christian people. In his inquiries and criticisms, as well as in 
his suggestions and speculations, Mr. Gleig is free and independent. 
But he never forgets that it is the Bible, the Book of Heaven, he has 
undertaken to elucidate." — New Monthly Magazine. 

" The Rev. author is one of the very best writers of the day. He has 
expended a great deal of labour and research upon his subject, and has< 
succeeded in giving a connected, faithful, and succinct outline of the 
contents of the Sacred Volume, and in vindicating its statements from 
the objections of skepticism and false philosophy."— American Traveller. 



[5] 



FOIiAR SEAS AND REGIONS, By Professors Leslie 
and Jameson and Jtngh Murrayj Esq. ISmo. With 
Maps and Engravings. 

" The style is familiar, concise, and comprehensive. The authors are 
excellent models for modern historians." — Albany Evening Journal. 

" A work .from such hands on such a subject cannot fail to be both 
interesting and valuable."— N. Y. Evening Post. 

" The three eminent men who have produced this compilation have 
rendered a great service to the cause of philosophy and knowledge." — 
New-York Commercial Advertiser. 

" The writers are gentlemen of first-rate standing in the scientific world, 
and the subject is one to which every curious mind is attached by a sort 
of involuntary impulse.'' — N. Y. Journal of Commerce. 

" It is well calculated for seamen and landsmen, the learned and unin- 
formed, and for both sexes of every age." — American Traveller. 

" This volume is replete with interest ; it exhibits a succinct, yet com- 
plete and connected view of the successive voyages made to the Arctic 
Regions." — Monthly Repository. 

" This volume presents an exceedingly entertaining and instructive view 
of all that is known of the Polar Seas and Regions."— Philadel. Chronicle. 

(i The volume now before us not only enters into an account of the 
climate, the animal and vegetable productions, the geology of the Polar 
Regions, and the details of the whale fishery ; but presents the public 
with highly interesting accounts of the ancient voyages to the North, 
the early as well as the more recent voyages in search of the North-East 
and North-West Passages, together with the late voyages directly towards 
the North Pole."— New Monthly Magazine. 

"We recommend this entertaining volume."— Truth Teller. 

" We are of opinion that this will prove one of the most popular num- 
bers of this justly popular work."— Courier <Sr Enquirer. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP GEORGE IV. With Anec. 
dotes of Distinguished Persons. Hy the Rev. George 
Croly. With a Portrait. 18mo. 

"Mr, Croly has acquitted himself very handsomely. His subject is 
one of much interest, and he has treated it with unusual impartiality. 
The author's style is chaste, classical, and beautiful, and it may be taken 
as a model of fine writing. It is worthy of his genius and his educa- 
tion." — Mercantile Advertiser. 

" This number is from the eloquent and powerful pen of the Rev. George 
Croly. It promises much entertainment and instruction. The name of 
the writer is a sufficient passport to the public attention."— Com. Adv. 

" This is an interesting volume, blending most beautifully instruction 
with amusement."--ifO?z^ Island Patriot. 

" Mr, Croly is a man of talent , and can write well. There is proof of 
this in the volume before us. The reflections that naturally arise out 
of the subject are philosophical and just ; and the sketches of character 
of the leading men and ministers are drawn with a bold and vigorous 
hand."— TAe Athenceum. 

"The portraits of the Prince's friends are in the best style, and 
sketched with impartial freedom. Fox, Burke, Sheridan, Erskine, Cur- 
ran were of the splendid galaxy, and the characteristics of eaeh are well 
preserved in Mr. Croly's pages." — Gentlemar^s Magazine. 

" Mr. Cnoly is not merely a fine writer, but ja very powerful one. His 
outline is as bold and broad as his colours are glowing. He writes, like 
u man well acquainted w.i,th his subject."— Eclectic Review. 



DISCOVERY AID ADVENTURE EN AFRICA. By 
Professor Jameson* James Wilson* Esq., and Hu§h 
Murray* Esq. Witn a map and engravings. 18mo. 

"The names of the distinguished individuals by whom the volume has 
been prepared, offer a sufficient pledge for the faithful and accomplished 
execution of the work; and the field of their labours is one of almost un- 
rivalled attraction for whatever is new, strange, or mysterious in histo- 
rical narrative, or bold and perilous in adventurous exploit." — The Atlas. 
" From what we have read, we think it will add another very interest- 
ing and useful volume to the Family Library. This work we believe 
will be interesting to every class of readers, especially to the philanthro- 
pist and Christian."— N. Y. Evangelist. 

" It embraces the whole field of modern travels in Africa, and, like 
' Polar Seas and Regions,' is deserving the attention of every one who 
pretends to keep pace with the progress of science and discovery." — Jour, 
of Commerce. 

" In this volume is comprised much useful and entertaining Knowledge 
concerning a country which has long been the subject of vague report 
and conjecture ; the theatre of visionary monsters, and the scene of the 
most extravagant romance." — N. Y. Standard. 

" The names of the authors will satisfy the public that this is a work 
which will command their admiration and credence. It is a sterling 
addition to that most excellent series, the Family Library." — Albany 
Daily Advertiser. 

" In the present work we have a perfect history of the discoveries 
which have been attempted, from the time of Herodotus until the final 
attempt of Rene Caille ; it is replete with interest."— JV. Y. Courier 8? 
Enquirer. 



LIVES OF EMINENT PAINTERS AND SCULP- 
TORS. My Allan Cunningham* Esq. In 3 vols. 
18mo. Witn Portraits. 

" We advise all those of our readers who have any respect for our re- 
commendation, to read these three volumes from beginning to end ; and we 
are confident of the thanks of such as shall be induced by our advice to 
procure for themselves so great an enjoyment."— N. Y. Mirror. 

" We would recommend these volumes as being replete with interest- 
ing incident and valuable historical matter. They are worthy of a promi- 
nent place in the library of the scholar, and are of that description of 
| works which may be placed in the hands of the younger branches of 
society, with the assurance that they will impart, both moral and intel- 
lectual improvement." — Boston Masonic Mirror. 

" The lives of distinguished artists, written by so popular an author, 
can hardly fail of being duly appreciated by the reading community." — 
N. Y. Constellation. 

" This is one of the best written and most instructive books of the 
series to which it belongs."— JV. Y. American. 

"The whole narrative is of a lively. and alluring kind, flowing in its 
language, and enriched with ceaseless anecdote." — N. Y. Atlas. 

" The lives of Hogarth, &c. furnish a fund of entertaining and charac- 
teristic anecdote, of which the author has known how to avail himself 
with skill."— N. Y. Evening Post. 

"So much as an accomplished author, an admirable field of exertion, 
and a beautiful typography, can do or promise for a work, so much we 
can safely accredit to the volumes before us." — Journal of Commerce. 



[7] 



HISTORY OP CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES, 

By G. P. R« James; Esq* "Willi an Engraving* 
1 81110. 

" The present volume may safely be pronounced an ornament to the 
literature of the day, and Mr. James be esteemed a writer of great clear- 
ness and strength." — N. Y. Standard. 

" The author of this work has done the public a service, which we think 
will be duly appreciated." — Christian Herald. 

" The period of the world to which this history relates is one most 
interesting to readers generally." — N. Y. Mercantile Advertiser. 

" A more interesting, instructive, and amusing volume has not been 
laid upon our table for many a day." — Boston Statesman. 

" Mr. James is well known as an agreeable writer ; and the subjects 
of this volume are such as can scarcely fail to prove both amusing and 
interesting." — N. Y. Daily Advertiser. 

" The execution of this work is, like the rest of the Family Library, 
elegant. The subject is of no little interest : and those who have read 
' Richelieu' and ' Darnley' will oe prepared to think favourably of any 
production from the same pen."— Constellation. 

" The admirers of Mr. James's peculiar style of composition as exhibited 
in his powerful productions of ' Darnley,' ' Richelieu,' ' De L'Orme,' «fcc 
have now an opportunity to witness his equally successful efforts in 
another department, where all classes of readers may unite in commend- 
ing the subject, the treatise, and the author." — American Traveller. 

" The historical details embraced in this volume are extremely curious 
and amusing ; and the accounts of ancient customs pertaining to the vari- 
ous orders of knighthood engaged in the holy wars, furnish much pleasant 
reading, as weil as food for contemplation on the obsolete follies of- man- 
kind." — N. Y. Evening Journal. 



LIFE OF MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. By H. G. 
Bell, Esq* In % vols. 18mo. With a Portrait. 

" It is decidedly the most interesting account we have ever seen of that 
lovely and unfortunate being. We have always /<?Z£ that Mary was inno- 
cent of the great crimes charged against her by her furious and deadly 
enemies : but our understanding was never before convinced. It was 
with a feeling of eager joy, that we, for the first time in our lives, admit- 
ted the full conviction of her innocence. The book is written with much 
candour " — Massachusetts Journal. 

u We find it imbued with all the interest of a romance, without de- 
stroying the authenticity of the history. Mary was indeed an attractive 
subject for the pen of a lively and gallant writer. In such hands, her 
youth, her beauty, her station, and her misfortunes must have furnished 
admirable thomes on which to descant and wake up the sympathies of the 
reader." — Pennsylvania Inquirer. 

"The life of the unfortunate queen is a subjeet of strong interest." — 
Constellation. 

" The style of the author is succinct and clear, and is a good specimen 
of historic composition." — Standard. 

" The reader will be pleased to learn that the life of Mary has been 
written anew, by one who appears, both in temper and talent, extremely 
well qualified for the task." — N.. Y. Atlas. 

" We have heretofore made extracts from this work, which must have 
given oar readers a favourable opinion of the merits of the whole. We 
have no difficulty in recommending a subject so interesting to the public." 
— Albion. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN EGYPT. By the Rev. 
M. Russell, Iili.33. With a Map and Engravings. 
18 mo. 



" It is hardly possible to imagine a volume of more various interest than 
this." — Baltimore American. 

" A work that cannot be too warmly commended to the reading pub- 
lic." — Providence American. 

" All that is known of Egypt is condensed into this history ; and the | 
readers of it will find themselves well repaid for their labour and money." 
— New-Haven Advertiser. 

" This volume is the most interesting, as well as the most valuable, of 
the numbers yet published." — Long Island Star. 

" This is one of the most valuable of the series of the Family Library." 
—Badger's Weekly Messenger. 

" The information respecting the present state of this interesting coun- 
try will be found peculiarly valuable." — New-York Mirror. 

" The work is written in a very happy style, and presents a mass of 
knowledge of the most useful and instructive character, collected together 
by great industry and research." — Baltimore Republican. 

" We think the writer has performed his task with a singular degree of 
ability and clearness." — Tribune. 

" This is a volume of great interest." — New-York Standards 

"An account of this ancient kingdom, connected as it is with. events of 
the greatest importance both in sacred and profane history, cannot fail to 
be interesting to every person who has a taste for this species of know- 
ledge." — New-York Daily Advertiser. 

" This work is fully equal to any that have appeared in the Family Li- 
brary, and that is one of the best of compliments which can be paid it."— 
Albany Evening Journal. 

HISTORY OF POLAND, from the earliest Period to 
the present Time. By James Fletcher, Esq®. With 
a Portrait of Kosciusko. 18mo. 

" This work recommends itself to public notice by its dear, concise, and 
impartial history of a country and a people for whom the feelings^of every 
lover of freedom are now deeply interested." — N. Y. Atlas. 

"Of the writer's fairness and research we have a very good opinion ; 
and his book is just the thing that is wanted at the present moment." — 
New-York American. 

" A more acceptable volume than this could not be presented to the 
public." — Courier fr Enquirer. 

" A work of great interest." — Albion. 

" No work has for a long period been published here so deserving of 
praise and so replete with interest." — American Traveller. 

" The history is well written, and is presented in a convenient and suc- 
cinct form." — New-York Standard. 

" The present volume will prove, we think,-highly acceptable to the 
public." — Evening Post. 

" It will require no recommendations to induce the reading community 
to possess themselves at once of this valuable and authentic work." — 
New-York Evening Journal. 

" It will be found an exceedingly interesting work." — Constellation. 

" It treats of a country and a people that attract at this moment the 
attention of the whole world ; and here there is not an individual who is. 
not interested in the struggle which the brave Poles are now engaged in- 
fer liberty and home."-— Mercantile Advertiser. 

' • ' " "" r <J\ 



FAMILY CLASSICAL LIBRARY. 



To tnose who are desirous of obtaining a knowledge of the most es- 
teemed authors of Greece and Rome, but possess not the means or leisure 
for pursuing a regular course of study, the present undertaking must prove 
a valuable acquisition. 

To him who. as Dr. Knox observes, although engaged in other pursuits. 
is still anxious to "retain a tincture of that elegance and liberality of sen- 
timent which the mind acquires by the study of the Classics, and which 
contributes more to form the true gentleman than all the unsubstantial 
ornaments of modern affectation," such a collection will, it is confidently 
hoped, prove acceptable. 

As the learned languages do not form part of the education of females, 
the only access which they have to the valuable stores of antiquity is 
through the medium of correct translation. 

The selection is intended to include those authors whose works may 
with propriety be read by persons of both sexes ; and it will be obvious 
that the nature of the publication is of so permanent a character, as to 
prove equally interesting to posterity as to the present generation. The 
whole will be presented to the public in a cheap, handsome, and uniform 
size, forming a complete " Family Classical Library," alike useful for the 
purpose of instruction and amusement. Indeed, as Dr. Parr says, "if 
you desrre your son, though no great scholar, to read and reflect, it is 
your duty \o place in his hands the best translations of the best Classical 
Authors." 



XENOPHON. In 3 vols. 18mo. Witli a Portrait, 

The Anabasis ; translated by Edward Spelman, Esq. 
The Cyrop^dia ; translated by Sir M. A. Cooper. 

" Spelman's ' Anabasis' is one of the most accurate and elegant transla- 
tions that any language has produced."— Gibbon. 

" The soldier has always admired the talents of Xenophon in conduct- 
ing, and the scholar in describing, the ' Retreat of the Ten Thousand ;' 
and the philosopher and statesman have alike been delighted with his 
charming work denominated the ' Cyropsedia.' " — Robinson's Antiquities 
of Greece. 

" There are various and obvious reasons which make a publication of 
this kind highly desirable in this country." — The Churchman. 

" Good translations of the ancient classics have always been a great 
desideratum." — N. Y. American. 

" The publication deserves the most liberal encouragement." — iV. Y. 
Constellation. 

" It is truly one of the most valuable works that could be presented to 
the public." — Providence American. 

"Independently of their literary merit, it is in these works that the his- 
tory and manners of the ancients are best studied." — Bait. American. 

"The reputation of the present works is too well established to need 
commendation at this day. Blair, in 'his Lectures, briefly remarks that 
" they are extremely beautiful. The circumstances are finely selected, and 
: the narrative is easy and engaging.' " — U. S. Gazette. 



N°.V, 



SAL LUST.' 

TRANSLATE© 

¥ WILLIAM ROSE, MX 

IMPROVEMENTS AND NOTES. 
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLOltE.. 



J. & J, HARPER, 82 CLIFF-STEEBT. 
Stereotype Edition. 

1831* 



■ «Km «8» <&$ Jk% 



S FAMlIif XiXSRAfi 




CHARTS LIFE OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE... 

VL SOUTH8YS LIFE OF LORD NELSON. ItoL 

TO. WILLIAMS'S LIFE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT- 1*>1. 

VIII. NATURAL HISTORY OF INSECTS . 1vol. 

DL GALT'S LIFE OF LORD BYRON-. 1vol. 

X. BUSH'S LIFE OF MOHAMMED.. ....... 1 vol. 

XI. SCOTT ON BEMONOLOGY AND WITCHCRAFT.. I vol 

XH.X7II. GLEIG'B HISTORY OF THE BIBLE 2 vols 

XTV. DISCOVERY, Ajc IN THE POLAR SEAS AND REGION 

XV. CROLVS LIFE OF GEORGE IV.... 

XVL DISCOVERY, AND ADVENTURE IN AFRICA...... 

XVEL XVm. XIX. CUNNINGHAM'S LIVES OF PAINTERS, A*. 3 Wis. 
XX. JAMESES HISTORY OF CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES 1 vol. 
XXLXXn. BELL'S LIFE OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS..... 2 vols, 

XXIIL RUSSELL'S ANCIENT AND MODERN EGYPT 1vol. 

XXIV. FLETCHER'S HISTORY OF POLAND 1 vol. 

XXV SMITH'S FESTIVALS, GAMES, AND AMUSEMENTS... 1vol. 

XXVL BREWSTER'S LIFE OF SIR ISAAC NEWTON... . 1vol. 

XXVTL THE COURT AND CAMP OF BONAPARTE.. ........ 1 vol. 

Ciasaic-al Series* 

i II. XENOPHON. (Anabasis and Cyropsedia.) , . ... ... 2 vol* 

HLIV. LELAND*S DEMOSTHENES 

Dramatic Series* 

iU,m. MASSINGER'S PLAYS 

IV. V. FORD'S PLAYS- 



XiXBiiajEur of select movex 

I. H. CYRIL THORNTON.... By Hamilton. 

ffi. IV. THE DUTCHMAN'S FIRESIDE Paulding 

V.VL THE YOUNG DUKE D'lsraeh . 

VIL VHL ANASTASIUS... .Hope ... 

IX. X. PHILIP AUGUSTUS.... James ... 

XL XII. CALEB WH.LIAMS. Godwin 

XKL XIV. THE CLUB-BOOK Piekin, &< 

XV. XVI. DE VERE <-.'... Ward... 

03r The above works are sold separately, or in sets 



J 



v OF c 

BJNDERY 
1903 



